Ïîïóëÿðíûå ñîîáùåíèÿ

суббота

Action, espionage and secrets fill the new NBC show American Odyssey.

But Peter Horton, the show's co-creator and executive producer, says it's easiest to describe the show by saying what it's not. "It's not a police show, it's not an FBI show, it's not a CIA show," he tell's NPR's Arun Rath. "It's a modern-day thriller told in three story bubbles, basically, about three very ordinary people."

Those three people all stumble upon the same massive government conspiracy: A lawyer unearths a cover-up, a political activist tries to expose it and, at the center of it all, a soldier, Sgt. Odelle Ballard, struggles to get home from North Africa after her team is wiped out by the U.S. government.

"There's a really human story underneath all this action and tension. For us that's the little dirty secret underneath — that this is a character piece. But the tension on top of it's what drives it."

- Peter Horton

The show takes its name from Homer's epic The Odyssey.

"The thing that stuck with us was the basic theme of someone going through a real journey or an odyssey to get home," Horton says. "There's something achy about that theme, so we just started running with that — but that's the only thing we stole from Homer."

Interview Highlights

On whether the government conspiracy plot points are a product of the post- Edward Snowden era

It's a combination, I think, of the post-Snowden era and the post-Citizens United era ... where suddenly you can give as much money as you have to a candidate to promote your cause. It's post-Snowden in the sense that indeed what we know is the extent to which not only government agencies and, frankly, private industry can invade our private space. It's also the post-Citizens United because this series is ultimately about power: Do we have it as individuals in our country or anywhere in our world? They're three Davids up against the Goliath of money and power.

On portrayals of Muslim terrorists and the potential for criticism

I think especially with the Muslim world, there's such trope, such stereotype out there. And it's not the Muslim world — it's a segment of the Muslim world. So really ... the fun of it is taking on a trope and saying "OK, here it is, yes that does exist in our world," and then suddenly you'll see a character in episode three comes along who is a "terrorist" but has a whole different point of view — and what you start to find is that his point of view is reasonable, you know, he's human. He's not a bad guy.

On the risks of setting a show in the present and incorporating news events like the Greek election

The Greek election was a shock to us because we started working on this three years ago ... way before the Greek election stuff ... it was just at the beginning of Greece's problems and we thought, "Wouldn't it be interesting if there was a candidate who came along and it was a people's candidate who said, 'I'm gonna just toss this debt and we're gonna pull out of the eurozone'? " Well, lo and behold, right around the time our show launches, that's what happens in Greece.

So, so far, for better or worse, world events have cooperated with our story.

I was born in Vietnam and fled as a refugee in April of 1975 with my family to the United States. And even though I grew up as an American, deeply Americanized, this shadow of the war and of history hung over me, because I was constantly hearing stories about what had happened to the Vietnamese people from my parents or from the extended Vietnamese community that I was living in. And so I just absorbed that sense of a persistent memory, of persistent trauma, of this feeling that the war was not over, and that the country had been lost, and that we still hoped that one day we would take that country back.

On the Vietnam War in American movies

When I was growing up in the 1980s, the idea that Hollywood was fighting the Vietnam War again, through all manner of popular movies that many people have seen, was very important to me. Because I would go to these movies and on the one hand, I would identify with American soldiers [like Rambo] because I was an American moviegoer.

[Rambo] is an action hero. He's Sylvester Stallone. He's beautiful on screen. There's pleasure to be had in shooting big guns and showing off big muscles — until the moment when I realized, "Wait a minute, I'm also the gook on the screen being killed."

I remember sitting and watching Platoon in a movie theater, and when the Vietnamese were shot, people would cheer. I was like, "Wait, that's weird, who am I supposed to identify with at this moment?" ...

Apocalypse Now was a movie that was very important to me. I think I saw it when I was 10 or 11 years old, one of the early movies I saw on a VCR — [and it] totally traumatized me. My voice would shake even 10 years later describing a scene from the movie where the sailors massacre a sanpan full of Vietnamese civilians.

On the one hand, it's an incredible work of art. I think I admire that film. On the other hand, it puts me in a very difficult situation as the Vietnamese person who gets killed in the movie. ...

It's much better to be the villain and the anti-hero than to be the extra who gets killed. And that's what essentially is happening in American Vietnam War movies of the 1980s. Yes, they depict a very dark side of the American experience, but that also means that they cast Americans as the central subjects of history.

On whether the Captain's story is the great American story

He has to come here and remake himself. And actually, part of the story is that he first came to the States in the '60s as a foreign exchange student. And this is where his love affair with America begins. So he's certainly aware of all these issues about being a part of the American dream, of pulling yourself up by the bootstraps, of reinventing yourself in America in a completely new fashion.

He's infatuated with all those things, but he's deeply skeptical of them at the same time. Because he's absolutely cognizant that all of this narrative of the American self-transformation is partially what justified the American intervention in Vietnam, and partially how Americans saw themselves in Vietnam.

Vietnam War

Action, espionage and secrets fill the new NBC show American Odyssey.

But Peter Horton, the show's co-creator and executive producer, says it's easiest to describe the show by saying what it's not. "It's not a police show, it's not an FBI show, it's not a CIA show," he tell's NPR's Arun Rath. "It's a modern-day thriller told in three story bubbles, basically, about three very ordinary people."

Those three people all stumble upon the same massive government conspiracy: A lawyer unearths a cover-up, a political activist tries to expose it and, at the center of it all, a soldier, Sgt. Odelle Ballard, struggles to get home from North Africa after her team is wiped out by the U.S. government.

"There's a really human story underneath all this action and tension. For us that's the little dirty secret underneath — that this is a character piece. But the tension on top of it's what drives it."

- Peter Horton

The show takes its name from Homer's epic The Odyssey.

"The thing that stuck with us was the basic theme of someone going through a real journey or an odyssey to get home," Horton says. "There's something achy about that theme, so we just started running with that — but that's the only thing we stole from Homer."

Interview Highlights

On whether the government conspiracy plot points are a product of the post- Edward Snowden era

It's a combination, I think, of the post-Snowden era and the post-Citizens United era ... where suddenly you can give as much money as you have to a candidate to promote your cause. It's post-Snowden in the sense that indeed what we know is the extent to which not only government agencies and, frankly, private industry can invade our private space. It's also the post-Citizens United because this series is ultimately about power: Do we have it as individuals in our country or anywhere in our world? They're three Davids up against the Goliath of money and power.

On portrayals of Muslim terrorists and the potential for criticism

I think especially with the Muslim world, there's such trope, such stereotype out there. And it's not the Muslim world — it's a segment of the Muslim world. So really ... the fun of it is taking on a trope and saying "OK, here it is, yes that does exist in our world," and then suddenly you'll see a character in episode three comes along who is a "terrorist" but has a whole different point of view — and what you start to find is that his point of view is reasonable, you know, he's human. He's not a bad guy.

On the risks of setting a show in the present and incorporating news events like the Greek election

The Greek election was a shock to us because we started working on this three years ago ... way before the Greek election stuff ... it was just at the beginning of Greece's problems and we thought, "Wouldn't it be interesting if there was a candidate who came along and it was a people's candidate who said, 'I'm gonna just toss this debt and we're gonna pull out of the eurozone'? " Well, lo and behold, right around the time our show launches, that's what happens in Greece.

So, so far, for better or worse, world events have cooperated with our story.

Even if you don't know Kate Mulgrew's name, you know her work. She currently plays Red, the formidable prison kitchen manager in the series Orange Is the New Black. And for seven seasons she was Captain Janeway on Star Trek: Voyager.

i

Mulgrew starred as Captain Kathryn Janeway, the first woman to command a Federation Starship, in Star Trek: Voyager. CBS Photo Archive/Delivered By Online USA/Getty Images hide caption

itoggle caption CBS Photo Archive/Delivered By Online USA/Getty Images

Mulgrew starred as Captain Kathryn Janeway, the first woman to command a Federation Starship, in Star Trek: Voyager.

CBS Photo Archive/Delivered By Online USA/Getty Images

"Nothing could be more challenging, more arduous, or more rewarding than that part on that series," Mulgrew tells NPR's Tamara Keith.

But the story behind the actress is more dramatic than anything she's played on screen. In her new memoir Born With Teeth, Mulgrew pulls back the curtain on her own life with an honesty that's raw and refreshing. It's not your typical, "Oh, the people I've known" celebrity story.

At the heart of Mulgrew's story is a choice she made when she was just 22 years old, when her acting career was on the rise.

Interview Highlights

On getting pregnant and putting her baby up for adoption

Born With Teeth

A Memoir

by Kate Mulgrew

Hardcover, 306 pages | purchase

Purchase Featured Book

TitleBorn With TeethSubtitleA MemoirAuthorKate Mulgrew

Your purchase helps support NPR Programming. How?

Amazon

Independent Booksellers

Nonfiction

Biography & Memoir

More on this book:

NPR reviews, interviews and more

I found myself pregnant at the age of 22 while I was playing Mary Ryan on a very popular soap opera called Ryan's Hope. And I immediately called my mother who was still in a passage of grief over the loss of her daughter Tessie, my sister Tess. ... I said to mother, "This is going to be very difficult, Mom, but I have to tell you the truth: I'm pregnant."

And she said, "Well, that's too bad. You've made a big mistake, kitten, and now you're going to have to fix it. And the only way you can fix it is to give the baby up for adoption. So I think you should go over to Catholic charities and find a wonderful social worker who will guide you through this process and you will do the brave thing and you will give up this baby. So, kitten, pull yourself together and do what you know you need to do. You won't be the first and you certainly won't be the last — " I think she said "actress" who's ever given birth to an illegitimate child. So that was that.

On how she went back to work on the set of Ryan's Hope just a few days later

Possibly more harrowing than the birth itself in terms of my sense of loss, my sense of disequilibrium, my understanding that the size of what I had done would never leave me. The dimension of the decision was not only epic but infinite. And whereas my teacher had promised me that the work would lift me up, in this particular case, three days after the birth of that baby, being handed a tiny stunt baby by the studio nurse and told to start a monologue ... and the monologue is a promise of fidelity and endurance, love and maternal care — I just thought I had to tap into something that I didn't even know I had in terms of sheer mettle because, the earth I had known .... disappeared.

i

Mulgrew plays Red, a formidable prison chef, in the Netflix series Orange Is the New Black. Ali Goldstein/Netflix/AP hide caption

itoggle caption Ali Goldstein/Netflix/AP

Mulgrew plays Red, a formidable prison chef, in the Netflix series Orange Is the New Black.

Ali Goldstein/Netflix/AP

On coping with the many personal losses she's endured

I have to be very straight with you about this — I've never considered it preponderance of loss. I've met too many people who've lost far more than I've lost. Far, far more! So I don't look at it that way, I just looked at it as my lot. When you are born into a big Irish Catholic family, these are the odds I guess. Somebody's going to leave you. I couldn't have predicted that it would be two sisters and I couldn't have predicted that one of them would be so deeply, deeply, deeply loved by me. But such is life!

And as for my relationships with men, well, I know a lot of women who've had a lot more! ... What I think I tried to call on in the book, is my sense of vulnerability. My sense of being just a middle-class girl from Dubuque, Iowa, being thrown into the world early and having these experiences in such a vivid and big way — I think that's what hits you when you read the book and when you begin to understand my life.

On how her life might be different if her daughter hadn't been adopted

I think about it all the time and did for those 20 years before I met her. ... I'm not one of those who will ever say to you "No regrets." I have serious regrets. And I think most thoughtful people do, if they live a life as I have lived mine with a great deal of abandon and passion.

I regret that I could not have raised her. I regret that I saw that decision as an impossible one. I regret that my mother was in such an agony of grief that she could not help me raise this child. And I regret, of course, the tangential pain, the ancillary pain that caused my daughter's father.

But do I regret her? Not for one second. And this is the thing of life. This is the deep mystery. Not for one second do I regret that girl or giving birth to that girl, who is now a fundamental, integral part of my life and part of my ongoing learning about the vicissitudes of love and loss.

Many Americans have a pre-formed opinion of Hillary Clinton, who is expected to announce her candidacy for president this weekend. Call it a blessing — or causality — of being in the public eye for so long. But Clinton has long implied that the public perception of her is all wrong.

"Well, as someone close to me once said, 'I'm probably the most famous person you don't really know,' " Clinton told NBC in 2007.

Eight years later, Clinton could probably make the same argument. So, here are five things about the frontrunner for the 2016 Democratic nomination that you may not know or just may not remember.

1. She Started Out A Republican.

In high school, Hillary Rodham — who grew up in Illinois and was influenced by her die-hard Republican father and high school history teacher — considered herself a Republican and even became a Goldwater Girl. She wrote about it in her book Living History:

Hillary Clinton in a photo of student council leaders from her high school yearbook. Maine Township High School hide caption

itoggle caption Maine Township High School

I was also an active Young Republican and, later a Goldwater girl right down to my cowgirl outfit and straw cowboy hat emblazoned with the slogan "AuH2O."

My ninth-grade history teacher, Paul Carlson, was, and still is, a dedicated educator and a very conservative Republican. Mr. Carlson encouraged me to read Senator Barry Goldwater's recently published book, The Conscience of a Conservative. That inspired me to write my term paper on the American conservative movement, which I dedicated "To my parents, who have always taught me to be an individual." I liked Senator Goldwater because he was a rugged individualist who swam against the political tide.

She also writes about volunteering to check voter registration lists against addresses to find voter fraud. And during her first year of college, she was even elected president of the Wellesley Young Republicans Club. According to Carl Bernstein's book A Woman In Charge, by the fall of 1966, she identified herself as a Rockefeller Republican. By the spring of 1968, though, she was volunteering for Democrat Eugene McCarthy's presidential campaign.

In 1992, while visiting her old high school in an affluent suburb of Chicago, she joked about her political evolution.

"I know I should answer the question that is on very many of your minds and that is: How did a nice Republican girl from Park Ridge go wrong?" she said to laughs.

2. In 1969, She Became The First Student (Ever) To Deliver A Commencement Address At Wellesley College.

The women's college didn't have a tradition of student commencement speakers. But, by the time the class of 1969 was nearing graduation, an activist-minded student body demanded to have a student speaker to represent them at the ceremony. In Living History, Clinton writes about going to Wellesley College President Ruth M. Adams to discuss it:

i

Hillary Clinton in June 1969 at the Rodham family home. She was featured in a Life magazine story called "The Class of '69." Lee Balterman/The LIFE Premium Collection/Getty Images hide caption

itoggle caption Lee Balterman/The LIFE Premium Collection/Getty Images

Hillary Clinton in June 1969 at the Rodham family home. She was featured in a Life magazine story called "The Class of '69."

Lee Balterman/The LIFE Premium Collection/Getty Images

When I asked her, "What is the real objection?" she said, "It's never been done." I said, "Well, we could give it a try." She said, "We don't know whom they are going to ask to speak." I said, "Well, they asked me to speak." She said, "I'll think about it." President Adams finally approved.

My friends' enthusiasm about my speaking worried me because I didn't have a clue about what I could say that could fit our tumultuous four years at Wellesley and be a proper send-off into our unknown futures.

In her introduction, Adams said, "There was no debate so far as I could ascertain as to who their spokesman was to be: Miss Hillary Rodham. Member of this graduating class, she is a major in political science and a candidate for the degree with honors."

Rodham was immediately preceded by Republican Sen. Edward W. Brooke from Massachusetts, and when she came to the microphone, she scrapped some of her prepared speech to respond to him, and said:

We're not in the positions yet of leadership and power, but we do have that indispensable task of criticizing and constructive protest and I find myself reacting just briefly to some of the things that Senator Brooke said. This has to be brief because I do have a little speech to give.

Part of the problem with empathy with professed goals is that empathy doesn't do us anything. We've had lots of empathy; we've had lots of sympathy, but we feel that for too long our leaders have used politics as the art of making what appears to be impossible, possible. What does it mean to hear that 13.3 percent of the people in this country are below the poverty line? That's a percentage. We're not interested in social reconstruction; it's human reconstruction. How can we talk about percentages and trends? The complexities are not lost in our analyses, but perhaps they're just put into what we consider a more human and eventually a more progressive perspective.

Her speech was reprinted in Life magazine and, for a time, Rodham became something of a voice of her generation.

Hillary Clinton holds the steering wheel for the Indy race car of Sarah Fisher in 2008. Clinton says she hasn't gotten behind the wheel herself since 1996. Joe Raedle/Getty Images hide caption

itoggle caption Joe Raedle/Getty Images

3. She Hasn't Driven A Car In Almost 20 Years.

Consider it a casualty of life in a Secret Service-protected bubble. President Obama has complained about it, as did President George W. Bush. Clinton told the National Automobile Dealers Association last year, "The last time I actually drove a car myself was 1996."

It's a reminder that Clinton has been living a very public life, in a closed-off way, for a very long time. No past presidential candidate has quite this sort of life experience. For Clinton's critics, this is just one of many signs (along with her comments about being "dead broke" when the Clintons left the White House) that she can't relate to regular voters. For Clinton's campaign, figuring out how to keep "the bubble" from getting in the way of meaningful interactions and normal experiences with voters presents a challenge.

4. Her Commitment To Women And Girls Goes Way Back.

Talking about so-called women's issues may be trendy these days, but Clinton has been working on these issues essentially her whole life. Some of this passion may have been driven by her own mother's difficult childhood.

When Clinton was in high school, she volunteered with her church youth group to babysit the children of migrant laborers. From there, her resume continues with one item after another aimed at improving the lives of women and children.

Here's an excerpt from her biography from the National First Ladies' Library and Historic Site:

During her second year in law school, Hillary Clinton volunteered at Yale's Child Study Center, learning about new research on early childhood brain development, as well as New Haven Hospital, where she took on cases of child abuse and the city Legal Services, providing free legal service to the poor. Upon graduation from law school, she served as staff attorney for the Children's Defense Fund in Cambridge, Massachusetts.

In Arkansas, she co-founded the group Arkansas Advocates for Children and Families. And all of this was before she became first lady and secretary of state, both platforms she used to advance women's empowerment and the well-being of children worldwide.

In Living History, Clinton explained how her mother had been abandoned by her grandmother, writing, "I'm still amazed at how my mother emerged from her lonely early life as such an affectionate and level headed woman."

5. She Has Been Dogged By Controversies And Scandals.

OK. You probably know this one already, but Clinton seems to have spent her entire public life fighting scandals.

From her "baking cookies" comment...

"I could have stayed home and baked cookies and had teas, but what I decided to do was fulfill my profession," she said in 1992.

...to Whitewater, Travel-gate and conspiracies about Vince Foster's suicide.

In the 1994 press conference below, she was asked about a number of the controversies swirling around her at the time. It is somewhat remarkable to watch the breadth of reporter questions, which went on for an hour and could have lasted longer.

Then there's Benghazi, and currently, "Server-gate." Clinton once blamed her (and her husband's) "scandal problem" on a "vast right wing conspiracy." No matter the cause, she has to be prepared for a campaign and possible presidency with more "gates" and "ghazis," because it has been that way for the past 25 years.

2016 Presidential Race

Democrats

Hillary Clinton

четверг

"The play is an object," Val (Kristen Stewart) tells actress Maria Enders (Juliette Binoche) in Clouds of Sils Maria while helping her rehearse for a role. "It changes depending how you look at it." One of the many impressive elements of Olivier Assayas' rich, remarkably intelligent film is how it explores every angle of its own story. It won't ever be mistaken for Inception, but Clouds is also a puzzle film, even if that's not evident on the surface. Its plot is relatively straightforward (though not entirely devoid of mystery); you won't need to guess and debate about what happened when and why. But it's nevertheless a work of many moving parts, one to take apart and put back together again repeatedly.

The bulk of the film is devoted to the relationship between Maria and Val, who is Maria's assistant. We meet them just as Maria, a renowned actress who has worked in the theatre as well as in films both prestigious and blockbuster, is on her way to accept a prize in Zurich on behalf of director Wilhelm Melchior. When Maria was a teenager, Melchior made her famous by casting her in Maloja Snake, a play about a young woman who seduces her older boss and drives her to suicide.

Wilhelm dies before the ceremony, however, and the suddenly somber, reflective affair prompts Maria to accept the elder role in a new production of Maloja Snake opposite Jo-Ann Ellis (Chloe Grace Moretz, delightful and cunning in equal measure), an actress known more for her rehab stints and constant tabloid presence than her performances.

From there, Clouds retreats to Wilhelm's now-empty home in Sils Maria, a town nested in the Swiss Alps, where Maria and Val hole up to rehearse. The play within the play explicitly mirrors Maria and Val's relationship in only one of the movie's overtly literal analogies. At other points, the parallels extend beyond the screen into real life, as when Val — played by the star of the oft-mocked Twilight movies — urges Maria to take Jo-Ann seriously as an actress despite the fact that she appears only in seemingly mindless blockbusters.

Assayas, who also wrote Clouds, is interested in such superficialities as initial points of contrast. The play and the real-life comparisons offer an apparent sense of order—a world split into simple contrasts of old and young, high and low culture—that the movie then breaks through. To start, Maria appears as a paragon of classic elegance—her suspicions of the Internet and modern technology reflect her age, but her dress and demeanor at Wilhelm's ceremony suggest a timeless grace and sophistication. It's Val who seems harried and out of control.

That hard opposition begins to crumble when Val leaves Maria alone at the ceremony, at which point her self-assurance diminishes without Val's support. It fades entirely once the two move to Sils Maria.

As powerful as Binoche's performance is, Stewart surpasses her. She best embodies the antitheses of her character, her quiet apathy concealing a turmoil of envy, desire, respect and simmering contempt. Val is also arguably the more difficult role; she's given less opportunity to wield control but required to nonetheless display power. Whereas Binoche expertly manages to display Maria's ever-shifting but rarely concealed emotions without seeming maudlin, Stewart has relatively few chances to offer a similarly direct view of Val's feelings ("I never know if I should believe what little you do tell me," Maria says to Val at one point). On the few occasions Val opens up, she almost immediately retreats back into what seems to be a more submissive role.

The power dynamics here resemble those in All About Eve or Black Swan, with the important difference that Assayas isn't concerned with a protg supplanting her master. In fact, the only wholly unsympathetic character in the movie is an actor who tells Maria that Maloja Snake "tells a simple story" about two completely contrasting women, the younger of whom "squeezes everything she can out of" her older mistress, who is in turn "fascinated by her own downfall." Reality can appear that clear-cut on the surface, but what Clouds reveals with time is a more complicated and seemingly endless series of transmutations.

Assayas may indulge in overt declarations of his themes, but there's no certainty to his approach. He softly and persistently disturbs the ground beneath our feet, never content with a position unless he has considered its opposite. That method pervades every aspect of the movie: Jo-Ann's rowdy public image is in contrast to her quiet behavior in person, with a hint of manipulation in both; Maria's disdain toward younger artists who have a natural knack for PR proves hypocritical, given the deliberately chosen "classy" image that Val helps craft for her.

The movement between opposites is heightened and perfected, though, in Maria and Val's relationship. After disagreeing over a reading of Maloja Snake, Maria tells Val that she can't ever understand a character without embodying her: "Thinking about a play is different than living it." But the reality seems to be the reverse. Maria is all interpretation and thought, while Val is the one who acts throughout, both for herself and for Maria. The shifts in power between them, and later between Maria and Jo-Ann, depend on which quality — consideration or action, aged wisdom or youthful exuberance — matters more. To its final shot, the movie offers no conclusion as to who comes out on top.

It's a quality of great art that it can hold competing ideas aloft and give them equal weight; it's the magic of the best art that it can satisfy while leaving the conflict unresolved. Clouds is outstanding in its individual components—its script, performances, cinematography, and pacing—but more importantly, it's that magical kind of work: a complete, perfectly crafted, fixed object that, upon reflection, remains in perpetual motion.

i

Mary Beth Heffernan shows Dr. Jerry Brown his image on the back of a camera. Courtesy of Marc Campos/Occidental College hide caption

itoggle caption Courtesy of Marc Campos/Occidental College

Mary Beth Heffernan shows Dr. Jerry Brown his image on the back of a camera.

Courtesy of Marc Campos/Occidental College

How often does this happen: You're listening to a news story describing some problem halfway around the world and you say to yourself, "I know how to fix that!" It's not your area of expertise. It's not a place you know. But you are sure that if you went there you could solve the problem.

Los Angeles artist Mary Beth Heffernan is the rare person who decided to actually give it a try. Last summer, Heffernan, who is also an art professor at Occidental College, became obsessed with Ebola — particularly the images of the health care workers in those protective suits, or PPE as they're called for short.

"They looked completely menacing," says Heffernan. "I mean they really made people look almost like storm troopers. I imagined what would it be like to be a patient? To not see a person's face for days on end?"

And what really got Heffernan is that as far as she could tell, there was an easy fix.

"I found myself almost saying out loud, 'Why don't they put photos on the outside of the PPE? Why don't they just put photos on?!'"

Here was her idea: Snap a photo of the health worker with a big smile on their face. Hook up the camera to a portable printer and print out a stack of copies on large stickers. Then every time the worker puts on a set of PPE they can slap one of their pictures on their chest, and their patients can get a sense of the warm, friendly human underneath the suit.

Global Health

Dreaming Up A Safer, Cooler PPE For Ebola Fighters

Goats and Soda

Help Wanted: Unlikely Geniuses To Solve Public Health Problems

"It's not a sophisticated response," she says. "It's almost stupidly simple."

Anyone could do this, she thought. And then she thought, I should do this.

The timing was good. She had a sabbatical coming up and a $5,000 grant to work on an art project. She decided to use the money to get her photo kits to West Africa. This would be her art project.

I had to ask Heffernan: How is this art?

She explains: "This is in the spirit of social sculpture. This is part of that history of making art that's about action, about changing society."

Soon Heffernan's kitchen table was piled high with printers to test and applications for more funding. But her biggest challenge was connecting to the people who run Ebola treatment centers.

She reached out to 75 people. And in mid-January, one of her emails reached a key official in Liberia: Dr. Moses Massaquoi, the Ebola case manager for the country.

i

Mary Beth Heffernan photographs health care worker Martha Lyne Freeman. Courtesy of Marc Campos/Occidental College hide caption

itoggle caption Courtesy of Marc Campos/Occidental College

Mary Beth Heffernan photographs health care worker Martha Lyne Freeman.

Courtesy of Marc Campos/Occidental College

Massaquoi says Heffernan wasn't the first person to write him pitching some untested scheme. In fact, it was getting to be kind of a pain.

"We've had tons of emails!" he says. "And I was like, 'Can you just stop writing me emails?'"

But Massaquoi says Heffernan's proposal stood out. He'd worked in Ebola wards and the photos made so much sense. He wrote back immediately.

Within a month Heffernan and a colleague were on a plane to Liberia's capital, lugging 12 enormous boxes of supplies.

"Some guy that was on our flight actually looked at me and said, 'Are you moving here?!'" she recalls, laughing.

Right away they ran into snags. It was like a crash course in what can go wrong when people in one country try to dream up solutions for people in another.

For instance, the electrical adapters that Heffernan had planned on using weren't the right kind. Three printers blew up.

i

Mary Beth Heffernan prints photos at the Ebola treatment unit. Courtesy of Marc Campos/Occidental College hide caption

itoggle caption Courtesy of Marc Campos/Occidental College

Mary Beth Heffernan prints photos at the Ebola treatment unit.

Courtesy of Marc Campos/Occidental College

At the first Ebola treatment center she worked with, the staff liked the photo stickers so much they kept walking off with them. "Some brought them home and put them on their refrigerator and their child's backpack. There was another who put the labels all over his car."

It turned out that the staff had been doing really dangerous, really grueling work for months — at times without getting paid. And photos aren't easy to come by in Liberia. So sticker pictures seemed like a rare perk.

Heffernan realized that in the future, she should bring regular photo paper along with the stickers, so everyone can be given a proper photo take home.

For all the hiccups, ultimately the project did start working. Jennifer Giovanni is head of infection control at a treatment center in a rural part of Liberia. She says the photos have made a huge difference — and not only for the patients.

"I feel like I'm working now with other human beings instead of, I almost want to say, like white monsters or white zombies or something."

As for Heffernan, she's back in Los Angeles — and working on bringing more photo kits to Sierra Leone.

PPE

ebola

Liberia

A year after Sept. 11, actor Adam Driver joined the Marine Corps. He was working odd jobs, selling vacuum cleaners and paying rent to live in his parents' house — and he says, like many other Americans, he felt a sense of patriotism and he wanted retribution.

"I wanted to 'test my manhood' and serve my country and just get even and ... get away from home and everything I didn't like about it," Driver tells Fresh Air's Terry Gross. "In retrospect, it was actually pretty great."

After suffering from a mountain biking injury, Driver, who now stars in the film comedy While We're Young, had to go on limited duty and decided to pursue acting. Now that his movie career is taking off, Driver says he sees similarities between the military and acting: Each person is part of a group trying to accomplish a mission that's greater than themselves.

"The discipline, the self-maintenance, the comradery — they're so similar," Driver says. "I don't view acting as such a radical departure from the military."

i

Driver is best known for his role as Hannah's boyfriend on the HBO series Girls. Craig Blankenhorn/Courtesy of HBO hide caption

itoggle caption Craig Blankenhorn/Courtesy of HBO

Driver is best known for his role as Hannah's boyfriend on the HBO series Girls.

Craig Blankenhorn/Courtesy of HBO

Driver has significant roles in the next Star Wars film and Martin Scorsese's forthcoming film Silence. In While We're Young, he plays one half of a young couple that befriends a middle-aged husband and wife, played by Ben Stiller and Naomi Watts.

Driver says that whenever he acts, he's hard on himself. "I have a tendency to ... drive myself and the other people around me crazy with the things I want to change. Everything in me wants to try to make it better and I feel like it's just not a healthy thing."

But he's learning to "surrender as much control as possible."

"I don't think of it as a done, set thing that people watch and may have their opinions about," he says. "I let it be what it is and then try to move on in my mind as soon as possible."

Interview Highlights

On relating more to Stiller's character, a failed documentary filmmaker, than his own character in While We're Young

In a lot of ways I don't really feel ... as connected to my generation or the interconnectedness of my generation, and I feel like there's need for discipline and not having a right answer and not having immediate access to everything. I mean, I'm a total hypocrite because it's not like I don't log onto the Internet or see what's great about social media.

I'm not involved in social media, but for me it just doesn't work. But I just thought there's something honorable [about] a guy [Stiller's character] alone in a room ramming his head against a wall trying to figure out [his artistic] process and being tormented by it and working on it for such a long time.

Related NPR Stories

Author Interviews

Lena Dunham On Sex, Oversharing And Writing About Lost 'Girls'

Movie Reviews

Married Without Children, But With Overgrown Adolescents

Movies

Actor's Calendar: 'Girls,' 'Star Wars,' Taking Theater To The Military

On why he doesn't do social media

Maybe it's because I have big thumbs that it's literally hard for me to type things on a phone or a computer. If I had smaller thumbs maybe I would have a different opinion about social media. ... It just takes me a long time to figure out buttons.

On getting cast as Adam on Girls

I was the first person to audition, actually. ... I was doing a play at the time and thought TV was evil and not where I wanted to be or do — I wanted to do theater. But it was HBO and I had done some things with HBO before and I thought that they were different and the storytelling is always so good. My agent convinced me to go in because I was having a real high-horse moment and that's when I met [Girls creator Lena Dunham] and that was kind of it.

On the sex scenes in Girls

I felt pretty good with it, not in a weird — what's the word when people like to get naked — ... exhibitionist way, but more for the story. What Lena was really going after didn't seem exploitative. ... It was very much in line with those characters; it wasn't just graphic sex for the sake of it or just for the sake of being controversial.

On not being deployed to Iraq with his platoon because of a broken sternum from a mountain biking accident

Not going because you did something to yourself and hurt yourself was pretty embarrassing and terrible. I tried to go; I kept loading up on drugs and trying to run and they put me back in my unit and it was fine and then ... [I wore] a 90-pound pack and my chest started to separate so I had to go back on limited duty. ... So I kind of screwed myself in the long run because I wanted to go so much. You're trained to do this job for two years with these people, the idea of not going, someone else going in your place or not being there is not really an easy thing to sit with.

On top of that, getting out and going to acting school and meeting up with those guys later and they're like, "What have you been doing?" I had been like wearing pajamas and pretending to give birth to myself in an acting class. Trying to face up to that is pretty devastating.

"I had really strong judgments about civilians — thought of them as nasty civilians who are just wasting time and not disciplined. And it took me a while to get over that and not be so judgmental."

- Adam Driver, actor

On going from Marine to Juilliard student

[The other students'] ideas of [me], like, "Oh, you're a Marine so obviously you're going to hit somebody at some point and drag [your] knuckles around or something." ... I could feel their apprehension and being scared, and I guess I was apprehensive and scared, too, in a different way.

I had really strong judgments about civilians — thought of them as nasty civilians who are just wasting time and not disciplined. And it took me a while to get over that and not be so judgmental, or calm down. It's a weird thing to turn off when suddenly you're getting into this crazy civilian world where people are wearing their hats indoors and their clothes untucked and [they] wander in a room looking nasty and cleaning crud out of their eyes. I was ready to act and throw all my effort into it.

On how acting and the military are similar

You have a group of people trying to accomplish a mission that's greater than themselves — it's not about one person. ... Everyone has their specific role and you have to know what your role is and when to show up and be there and when to back away. Then you have usually someone leading it, a platoon leader or a director, and sometimes they know what they're doing and sometimes they really don't know what they're doing, and that's frustrating. Obviously the stakes are completely different.

On his appearance

I did look strange as a teenager — very prominent facial features, a big nose, big ears and tiny eyes, very rat-like. ... I had to develop thick skin. God, in the Marine Corps, if you're insecure about anything or you have ... a mole out of place, people will find it, especially in boot camp, and drill it until you're numb to it, I guess in a way. I was lucky, though, because in my platoon there was another guy who also had big ears and the drill instructors noticed him before they did me, so he was Ears No. 1 and I was Ears No. 2.

Ride-sharing service Uber has launched a new service in the Indian capital — for auto rickshaws, the popular three-wheeled vehicles.

#Delhi, you can now request for an Auto through your Uber app and pay for the ride in cash! More info: http://t.co/OaHaOk7aC1 #uberAUTO

— Uber Delhi (@Uber_Delhi) April 9, 2015

The big difference between UberAuto and the ride-sharing service's other offerings worldwide: You pay the autos, as the vehicles are known in in India, only in cash. Fares are set by the state.

"Autos are an iconic and ubiquitous part of the Delhi landscape and we are excited to have them as another option on the Uber platform," Uber said in a statement on its blog.

The city has some 100,000 auto rickshaws on its streets. They are a cheap and convenient way to travel – though residents of the Indian capital – and other Indian cities – often complain about drivers ignoring the actual fares and asking for more.

Riders can use their Uber app to hail the vehicle – and, The Wall Street Journal reports, rate drivers. The paper adds:

"Uber's main domestic competitors, ANI Technologies Pvt. Ltd.'s Ola, already operates a similar service, known as OlaAuto, in six Indian cities, including Delhi. Last month, Ola also gave its auto passengers the option for cashless travel using an online-payment system. Ola charges a 'convenience fee' of 10 rupees, or about 16 cents, on top of the meter fare."

Uber says it won't charge a booking fee.

Uber ran into trouble in India last year following the rape of a female passenger in an Uber taxi. The company added an SOS button to its app in India following the incident.

Uber

India

Ron Paul stood off to the side Tuesday as his son Rand announced he was running for president.

There was no speaking role for the elder Paul, 79. There was no ceremonial passing of the torch of "liberty."

There wasn't even a hearty thank you or nod to the father's raucous presidential campaigns that laid the groundwork for the son's launch.

"I never could have done any of this without the help of my parents who are here today," Rand Paul said in Louisville, Ky., in the only section of his speech that made allusion to his father. "I'd like you to join me in thanking my mom and dad for all their help and support through the years."

Help and support with politics? Not so much.

i

Ron Paul looks on as Rand, a Kentucky senator, arrives for the announcement of his presidential campaign. Carolyn Kaster/AP hide caption

itoggle caption Carolyn Kaster/AP

Ron Paul looks on as Rand, a Kentucky senator, arrives for the announcement of his presidential campaign.

Carolyn Kaster/AP

"With my parents' help," he continued, "I was able to make it through long years of medical training to finally become an eye surgeon."

Before Rand spoke, former Rep. J.C. Watts, a Paul supporter, joked that backstage when Ron heard, "Run, Paul, run," Ron said, "I'm not doing this again."

Ron did always have a sense of humor.

The scene said it all. Despite the energy and enthusiasm the former congressman's most recent two presidential bids created, he'll be sidelined this time. Rand and Ron are said to be close, but Rand is trying to go where his father never could — to find an electorate beyond a narrow, though devoted, base of young, libertarian men. Rand has his sights set higher. And he does not want his candidacy conflated with his father's.

Unfinished Business

Ron, who retired from Congress in 2012, always stood out for his frankness in a talking-points-laden world. But he was always an outsider. "Libertarian" barely fit in the GOP for most of his quarter-century in Washington. He ran unsuccessfully as the Libertarian nominee for president in 1988.

Ron Paul's top 10 finishes by percentage in the 2012 Republican primary race. Due to Virginia's rules, Mitt Romney and Paul were the only two candidates on the ballot. AP hide caption

itoggle caption AP

Ron was a quirky staple of the last two presidential campaigns. In 2008, he finished fourth for the nomination, winning just a few dozen delegates.

That all changed when the Tea Party came along in 2010. Stars were born, from the Palins to the Cruzes. But the Pauls were there from the start. They were at the ascension of the nascent political movement. Suddenly, everything the septuagenarian gadfly with the ironic following of young libertarians was fighting for was going mainstream in the GOP.

The Tea Party was influencing policy and helping the GOP win state and local elections. But even as Ron Paul helped propel the cause with his refreshingly impolitic style, his presidential run, was still regarded as quixotic.

He didn't win a primary or caucus 2012, but his campaign and devout volunteer activist followers were able to engineer a few wins. In addition to several straw poll victories, he won the most delegates in half a dozen states in 2012, including Iowa. He also finished second in New Hampshire and third overall and took home more than 100 delegates.

Then along came Rand.

Passing The Torch

Rand Paul burst on the scene in Kentucky as part of that 2010 Tea Party wave.

"I have a message from the Tea Party," Rand said on the night of his Senate victory, "a message that is loud and clear and does not mince words. We've come to take our government back."

In the subsequent two years, Rand followed his father to places like the Iowa State Fair. He'd have his hands in his jeans pockets, strolling over the dirt and grass patches like a baseball scout eyeing a prospect others didn't quite recognize.

He would do it differently than his father, inspired by his father, but not the same. He would do it in a way that would try to mainstream libertarianism. "Quixotic" and "quirky" wouldn't be words associated with his campaign.

He also planned to be ready. His father's team always seemed to be riding on momentum, a certain inspirational high. But it was, at times, caught off guard when the digging began. Like the revelation of the newsletters Ron Paul founded that made derogatory remarks about African-Americans and gays. Paul denied any editorial involvement with the newsletters, but they still had his name on them. At the very least, it revealed a certain lack of professionalism in his operation.

Rand, on the other hand, proved he wouldn't let a hit go unchallenged during his 2010 Senate race after his Democratic opponent Jack Conway used allegations from a GQ article in a TV ad, accusing him of tying a woman up and having her bow down before an "Aqua Buddha" during his college days.

Paul wouldn't shake Conway's hand after a contentious debate and called him a "disgrace."

Instead of solely railing against the powers that be, Rand befriended them. There are few more disliked within the Tea Party than Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. But, unlike Ted Cruz — the braggadocious other senator with Tea Party backing who has already announced for president — Paul formed an alliance with McConnell, the powerful senior senator from his state.

That's despite McConnell's saying in 2014 that establishment Republicans were going to "crush" Tea Party candidates across the country. Nonetheless, Rand endorsed McConnell in his contentious re-election. In turn, McConnell has already endorsed Paul for president in 2016.

A Bigger Goal In Mind

It's the kind of endorsement his father never won, as National Journal put it. Where his father is the idealist, Rand is the savvy pragmatist. Where Ron spoke his mind, regardless of the politics, Rand is more subtle.

Take drugs, for example. Here was Ron Paul talking about heroin during a 2012 Republican presidential debate.

"How many people here would use heroin if it was legal?" Paul boasted, waving his arms, clearly annoyed with the underlying premise of the moderator's question.

Chris Wallace of Fox News had asked, "Are you suggesting that heroin and prostitution are an exercise of liberty?"

Paul continued, "I bet nobody would put their hand up, 'Oh, yes, I need the government to take care of me. I don't want to use heroin, so I need these laws!' "

That is not Rand's style. He hasn't even backed legalization of marijuana.

"I really haven't taken a stand on ... the actual legalization," Rand Paul said last year, "but I'm against the federal government telling them [states] they can't."

For 2016, even if Paul doesn't win the nomination, he hopes his brand of libertarianism can win over a broader swath of the party than his father was able to.

"I have a message," he said Tuesday during his presidential kickoff, pausing for effect. Acute observers would recognize this bookend. "A message that is loud and clear and does not mince words. We've come to take our country back."

So far, both Pauls — even if one has exited the stage — have already come close to taking their party back.

2016 Presidential Race

Rand Paul

Ron Paul

Republicans

In one of India's largest-ever cases of corporate fraud, the founder and chairman of failed outsourcing giant Satyam Computers and nine others defendants have been sentenced to seven years in prison on charges of stealing millions from shareholders.

An Indian court in the country's tech hub, Hyderabad, ruled Thursday that B. Ramalinga Raju, his two brothers and seven other officials of Satyam – which collapsed in 2009 — used forged documents and fake bank accounts in a scheme that cost the company's shareholders $2.28 billion.

They were convicted of criminal conspiracy and fraud and Raju was also fined the equivalent of $806,000 in what has been touted as the country's biggest accounting fraud.

According to the BBC:

"The scandal emerged in January 2009 when Mr Raju, one of the pioneers in the Indian IT industry and Satyam's founder and then chairman, confessed to manipulating his company's accounts and inflating profits over many years to the tune of about $1.15bn.

"In a letter to the board he claimed he had fudged the numbers in order to be in the top four of the Indian IT industry."

The Associated Press adds: "Satyam - which means 'truth' in Sanskrit - was once India's fourth-largest software services company, counting a third of Fortune 500 companies and the U.S. government among its clients."

In a special court overseen by India's Central Bureau of Investigation, roughly equivalent of the FBI, the agency "accused Raju and associates of inflating revenues, faking fixed deposits, falsifying accounts and fabricating invoices in a bid to project the company as enjoying sound financial health and deceive the investors," The Economic Times of India writes.

In 2010, what was left of Satyam was sold off to software services company Tech Mahindra Ltd.

computers

India

Iran's president says his country will only sign an agreement restricting his country's nuclear program if economic sanctions are lifted. The remarks on state TV came as Iran's supreme leader said he's neither for nor against the deal.

Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei also said that any arrangements must respect Iran's interests and dignity. He also questioned the need for talks if they don't trigger the removal of sanctions. And he reiterated his distrust of the United States.

From Istanbul, NPR's Peter Kenyon reports:

"Today is national nuclear technology day in Iran, and President Hassan Rouhani used the occasion to tout Iran's nuclear achievements and to promote the framework for a nuclear agreement with six world powers, reached last week in Switzerland.

"Both Iran and the U.S. have been emphasizing the most favorable aspects of the framework from their perspective, including on issues that have not been resolved, such as the scope and timing of sanctions relief for Iran.

"Rouhani says Iran will only sign a deal if 'all sanctions are lifted the first day of implementation.' U.S. and European officials have been clear that sanctions relief will come after Iran's nuclear restrictions and other commitments have been made and verified.

"In the same speech, Rouhani called for an end to airstrikes in Yemen."

Speaking about those same issues later Thursday, Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said that he's "neither for nor against" the framework deal that was negotiated in a marathon session in Lausanne.

"In a speech carried by state TV," Peter reports, "Khamenei says there is no agreement until every point is written down and signed, and thus no need for his approval or disapproval before then. He adds that he still supports his nuclear negotiating team, and still distrusts the United States and its allies."

On Twitter, Khamenei elaborated on those ideas, saying of an American fact sheet about the agreement, "most of it was contrary to what was agreed."

He continued, "They always deceive and breach promises."

I trust our negotiators but I'm really worried as the other side is into lying & breaching promises; an example was White House fact sheet.

— Khamenei.ir (@khamenei_ir) April 9, 2015

Khamenei also touched on Iran's nuclear ambitions, saying, "Islam & reason forbid us from acquiring nukes but nuclear industry is a necessity for country's future in energy, medicine, agriculture,etc."

The leader also said that special monitoring of Iran's nuclear program isn't acceptable, stating, "Foreign monitoring on Iran's security isn't allowed."

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei

Iran nuclear

Iran

As Hillary Clinton is expected to officially launch her presidential campaign in the next couple of weeks, her famous, former president husband talked to Town & Country magazine, which went along with him to Haiti in February.

Here are four takeaways from that interview:

1. The Clinton Foundation is not going away — even if Hillary Clinton wins.

"Whether I'm running it or not," he told Town & Country, which described it as a "priority" for the 42nd president. "I've told Hillary that I don't think I'm good [at campaigning] anymore, because I'm not mad at anybody. I'm a grandfather, and I got to see my granddaughter last night, and I can't be mad."

Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and husband Bill Clinton at an event for the Clinton Global Initiative. Mark Lennihan/AP hide caption

itoggle caption Mark Lennihan/AP

The Clintons have been criticized for taking donations for the foundation from foreign governments, even while Hillary Clinton was secretary of state. It's no surprise that Bill is out front defending the foundation, which encapsulates so much of his legacy and the kind of work he wants to do in his post-presidency.

2. He's attempting to take some of the slings and arrows for the foundation.

"[O]ur plan is to spend this whole year working on the foundation, which is, by a good long stretch, the most transparent of all the presidential foundations and more transparent than a lot of other major foundations in the country," he tells the magazine. "It should be, both because I believe in it and because Hillary is in public life, and we'll get criticized, as some people are criticizing me, for taking money from a foreign government. We did a review of the whole foundation last year. ... We got suggestions from a great law firm that also does pro bono counsel for Doctors Without Borders, and we implemented every single one of them."

Politically, Bill Clinton is attempting to redirect any criticism of the foundation away from his wife and onto him. That's no accident at the precipice of another Hillary Clinton presidential run.

3. He affirmed the rumors of how Hillary Clinton will run in the presidential primary.

Despite his claim to recede to the background — busy with running a foundation and being a doting grandfather — don't expect him to take a back seat in his wife's run. In the same interview, he was offering up strategic advice for how she should campaign.

"I think it's important," he told the magazine, "and Hillary does too, that she go out there as if she's never run for anything before and establish her connection with the voters. And that my role should primarily be as a backstage adviser to her until we get much, much closer to the election."

Bill Clinton's comments also affirm reporting that advisers are telling Hillary Clinton she should not take anything for granted. That means campaigning frequently — even without strong primary opposition — in early states like Iowa and New Hampshire.

And why not? They are swing states in a general election, and it doesn't hurt to build up some energy and a base of activists and supporters. Hillary Clinton was also criticized early on in the 2007-08 primary race for running on name recognition. By the time she found her voice as a candidate, the math was against her, and Barack Obama had all but sewn up the nomination.

4. He's still not sure what kind of "first dude" he'd be.

Bill Clinton also weighed in on his potential role as "first dude."

"First, I would have to assess what she wants me to do," he said. "And second, we might have to change the [foundation] rules again. But we haven't talked about that yet, and I don't think we should. You can't. It's hard for any party to hang on to the White House for 12 years, and it's a long road. A thousand things could happen."

2016 Presidential Race

White House

Democrats

Bill Clinton

Hillary Clinton

President Obama is in Jamaica Thursday, meeting with Prime Minister Portia Simpson Miller and more than a dozen other leaders from throughout the Caribbean. It's the first stop on a three-day tour that also includes a hemispheric summit meeting in Panama. Topping today's agenda is a looming energy crunch in the Caribbean, and a chance for the U.S. to seize the initiative there from leftist leaders in Venezuela.

Unlike the United States, which is suddenly awash in cheap oil and natural gas, countries like Jamaica and the Dominican Republic are heavily dependent on imported oil, not only to run their cars but also to keep the lights on.

"The economic achilles heel for these small islands is really electric power generation," says Jorge Pinon, who directs the Latin America and Caribbean Program at the University of Texas. "That's very important for their tourism and for hotels. So affordable and reliable electricity has a very high economic value for those small islands."

For years, Venezuela has offered an energy lifeline to the Caribbean, selling oil to countries there and in Central America on very favorable terms. The program known as "Petrocaribe" was launched a decade ago by Venezuela's anti-American president Hugo Chavez.

"Back then, because of the high price of oil, Venezuela had a lot of extra money to throw around," says Jason Marczak, Deputy Director of the Adrienne Arsht Latin America Center at the Atlantic Council. "And it was using that extra money to try to secure support from different governments across the hemisphere."

The picture today is very different. Chavez is dead. The price of oil has fallen sharply in the last year. And with Venezuela's economy in deep trouble, the flow of cheap oil to the Caribbean is in danger of running dry.

"That's going to create a huge economic hardship," says Pinon, who's also a veteran oil industry executive. "As you well know, with economic hardship comes social disruptions that the United States certainly doesn't want in the Caribbean."

Analysts warn a sudden energy shortage could create security problems not far from U.S. shores and even trigger mass migration. But thanks to its domestic energy boom, the United States has a rare opportunity to get out in front of the crisis and possibly build some goodwill of its own.

"Ten years ago, we never would have thought about being able to export U.S.-produced gas or oil," Marczak says. "We were frankly just worried about having enough gas and oil ourselves."

The federal government still prohibits U.S. companies from exporting crude oil. But the United States has become a big supplier of refined products to the Caribbean. And liquid natural gas could be next.

"Central America and the Caribbean will be a perfect candidate for that fuel," Pinon says. "It is clean — certainly cleaner than oil. And there's going to be plenty of that around."

Vice President Biden launched an effort last summer to diversify the Caribbean's energy supplies. And President Obama is expected to announce additional measures in Jamaica. The moves are partly a strategic tug-of-war for influence with Venezuela, though the Administration will be careful not to couch it that way.

"The U.S. is billing this as a Caribbean initiative," Marczak says. "This is not an anti-Venezuela initiative."

That's important because Obama's next stop on this trip is a weekend summit in Panama with leaders from throughout the western hemisphere. Venezuela and its leftist allies typically use these gatherings to try to paint the United States as an imperial power, riding roughshod over its neighbors.

"These governments really are always looking for an opportunity to kick dust in the face of Uncle Sam," says Cynthia Arnson, director of the Latin American Program at the Woodrow Wilson Center. "But I think it's also important to keep in perspective the moment today."

The U.S. comes into this summit less isolated from its neighbors, thanks to the diplomatic thaw with Cuba. Cuban President Raul Castro is attending the summit for the first time, setting the stage for a historic handshake with Obama.

What's more, it's now the U.S., not Venezuela, that's set to use its newfound energy strength as a diplomatic weapon.

In the village of Tuffet, a 45-minute rocky drive from the closest city along Haiti's southern coast, several men get down to work in Monique Yusizanna Ouz's rural home. They're wiring up her two-room, dirt floor house with a breaker box, an outlet and a light fixture.

She's 66 years old and for the first time in her life, she's going to have electricity.

Ouz, who has five grandchildren, wants a refrigerator. She wants cold drinks — for herself but also to sell. And she wants ice cream, too.

"I'll figure out a way to pay for the electricity because it's better when you pay for something," she says. "It doesn't go away then."

Haiti has long been dubbed the Republic of NGOs because of its heavy reliance on foreign donors and international charities. But Ouz says charities come to the village and end up leaving when they run out of volunteers or money.

That's why 38-year-old Duquense Fednard is bringing a for-profit electricity company to Tuffet. He says Haiti can't survive on philanthropy alone: "You need an economy that is thriving, where businesses flourish and create jobs and that's how you grow a country.

Fednard has three businesses now: the rural electric company, a data processing one and another that sells a more efficient version of the charcoal stoves found in nearly every Haitian home (his model has a special ceramic liner so it uses less charcoal). He was born in Haiti but left as a teen. In the U.S. he got a master's degree from Columbia University, worked on Wall Street and was a small business consultant.

i

The generators for electricity run on corn cobs purchased from area farmers. Carrie Kahn/NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Carrie Kahn/NPR

The generators for electricity run on corn cobs purchased from area farmers.

Carrie Kahn/NPR

"A job in the U.S. to me doesn't have the same impact as a job in Haiti," he says. "Because a job in Haiti means that you are helping 10 people for every job."

Through a college buddy, Fednard got Benjamin Shell, a former microfinance loan manager, to come to Haiti and get the electric company going. "I'd never been to Haiti, I got a really low grade in physics in college, I didn't have any electrical background," Shell says with a laugh. "But I felt confident that I could teach myself.

Like Fednard, Shell subscribes to the same philosophy when it comes to economic aid: A hand out is not going to help.

Which brings us back to Tuffet and the rural electric company — and the cold drinks.

As school lets out, children stream onto the main dirt road, walking past newly installed wooden utility poles. About 300 families live here. Most are bean and corn farmers. Shell says Electricit d'Hati, or EDH, Haiti's electricity monopoly has been promising Tuffet electricity for the last 50 years.

"That's how you get elected in any part of Haiti, especially rural Haiti," he says. "You promise to either bring EDH, electricity or improve the service because it's a chief complaint of anybody anywhere."

If Shell and Fednard's plan works the town will get that service six days a week, ten hours a day.

Shell opens the door to their electric company's new offices, just off Tuffet's main road.

It's a huge warehouse.

Inside, the duo will put a generator that's going to be the company's linchpin. It will produce the electricity — not on expensive and dirty diesel but with corn cobs. It's a biomass gassifier, a new technology that's had success in other developing countries but has never been used in Haiti. The rest of the warehouse is for drying the corn cobs the company will buy from farmers.

"People are almost as excited about getting to sell their corn cobs as they are about getting electricity," says Shell.

Already, 65 people have signed up and have spent 1,500 gourdes, about $35, to get their homes wired. Expectations are high for the day the lights go on.

i

Carol Macaus wants a freezer so she can sell cold drinks and ice cream. Carrie Kahn/NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Carrie Kahn/NPR

Carol Macaus wants a freezer so she can sell cold drinks and ice cream.

Carrie Kahn/NPR

Washing clothes at the town's main water well, Carol Macaus says she can't wait. I immediately thought the first thing she and the other half-dozen women here would want is a washing machine. I was wrong.

Like Ouz, she also wants a freezer so she can sell cold drinks and ice cream. At current estimates, a freezer would cost a family about $25 a month to run.

People here have long wanted to have their own businesses but they need electricity to do that, says town leader Cherie Paul Andres. "If you have a freezer you can create your own business," he says. "So when it comes to pay the electricity bill it doesn't have to come out of my pocket."

That's exactly what Fednard and Shell are hoping for. Not only will the electricity boost living standards and help satisfy the thirst for cold drinks, it'll also spark Tuffet's stagnant economy.

But the day I was with Shell, driving down Tuffet's rocky dirt roads, that dream seemed to be slipping away. He got a call from the group that promised to develop pay-as-you-go electric meters, key to making the company profitable. They told him they definitively couldn't do it.

After two years of struggling, Shell says maybe it's time to accept that bringing electricity to this part of Haiti just can't be done — at least not by him.

"There will be somebody that does it that makes it work in the future and the work that we've done definitely won't be wasted," he says. "It won't be for nothing."

I left Tuffet a few months ago, not knowing what happened.

So I call Shell to find out. Turns out, he's still there.

I could hear a whirling sound coming from the background. "That's the generator, the gassifier," Shell tells me. "We are using corn cobs to make electricity."

Goats and Soda

Far From Silicon Valley, A Disruptive Startup Hub

Goats and Soda

Happy World Plumbing Day! We Celebrate By Interviewing ... A Plumber

Shell found a new company to make the meters and 30 families are hooked up to the company's grid and getting electricity. More meters are coming, Shell has hired five more employees, and Tuffet has one refrigerator and two freezers running. Cold drinks are now being sold in the village.

"We are in business," Shell says.

electrcity

entrepreneur

innovation

Haiti

среда

Dear March,

We got your news that employers added just 126,000 jobs on your watch. Hate to say it, but you have disappointed everyone. No doubt you'll say you were under the weather — literally. Sure, it was cold, but still ... Let's hope April does better.

Sincerely,

America

On Friday, the Labor Department's report on weak jobs growth left economists scrambling to explain what went wrong in March.

Most had forecast about 245,000 new jobs for the month, but they were way off base. The Labor Department said employers added only 126,000 workers. The unemployment rate, which is determined by a separate survey of households, held steady at 5.5 percent.

The disappointing March report confirms a wintertime slowdown. The average monthly gain in the first three months of this year was just 197,000 new jobs, down sharply from an average of 324,000 in the final three months of last year.

The Two-Way

Economy Adds A Disappointing 126,000 Jobs In March

So while the positive hiring trend did continue into the new year, it clearly has lost momentum. A lot of people looked at the construction industry — which cut 1,000 jobs last month — and blamed the exceptionally cold temperatures for freezing up so much economic activity.

"One cannot be stunned if wave after wave of severe snow storms and [arctic] temperatures curbed hiring, slashed construction activity, and kept consumers from stores," economist Bernard Baumohl, with The Economic Outlook Group, wrote in his assessment.

This winter brought other problems, such as a drop in the oil-rig count and the West Coast port disruptions, which caused supply-chain reactions. Wells Fargo economists noted that currency changes also hurt, making U.S. exports more expensive this winter: "Manufacturing payrolls edged down by 1,000, with the workweek ticking down, suggesting some modest impact from the stronger dollar."

So fingers can be pointed at some extraordinary factors that weighed down job creation.

But maybe the slowdown's explanation is simpler than that. Maybe it just reflects a cooling of the economy after nearly six years of expansion. The unemployment rate has plunged in recent years, and in the prior 12 months, job growth was averaging a robust 269,000 a month.

So at some point, the labor market was bound to take a breather.

"In retrospect, a correction such as this was very likely," wrote Doug Handler, chief U.S. economist at IHS Global Insight.

Labor Secretary Tom Perez, who spoke with NPR, also noted that March's numbers have to be put into a longer perspective. Consider, he said, that private businesses have added 12.1 million jobs over 61 straight months of job growth, the longest streak on record.

In March 2014, the unemployment rate was 6.6 percent. Perez said that if someone had told him then that the rate would plunge to 5.5 percent in one year, "I would have thought it was an April Fools' joke."

The overall job market's performance in the past year has been strong, he said. "I look at trend data," and the trend has been the worker's friend.

So the big question hanging over the economy is: Did job growth just take a rest during the harsh winter, or is it shifting to a much slower pace?

Handler remains fundamentally optimistic. "This result is more of an aberration than a trend," he said. "The April report will be more in line with stronger reports issued earlier in the year, allowing the March data to be discounted."

And PNC economist Gus Faucher saw some hopeful signs in the wage data, which pointed upward. Workers' wages rose by 2.1 percent over the past year — which beats the consumer inflation rate. "The tighter labor market is leading businesses to raise pay to attract and retain workers," he said.

Still, the report showed enough weakness to suggest the Federal Reserve will be in no rush this summer to raise interest rates.

"Today's sluggish job numbers, job revisions and mild wage growth are signs the Federal Reserve should keep interest rates low for the foreseeable future," AFL-CIO economist Bill Spriggs said. "Today is confirmation the economic recovery is incomplete and we have a long way left to go."

job growth

unemployment rate

Federal Reserve

Labor Department

Shortly after Ledezma took the oath of office in 2008, pro-government mobs took over the colonial City Hall building in central Caracas and refused to let the new mayor go to work. Helen Fernndez, a Ledezma aide who now serves as acting mayor, recalls the scene.

"They threw rocks and chased after us with clubs," she says. "There were gunshots and tear gas. The violence got so bad that we had to leave."

Ledezma and his team relocated in the 23rd floor of a bank tower in downtown Caracas.

Many people who work in the high-rise have no idea City Hall is located there — perhaps because it doesn't do very much. Back in 2009, ruling party legislators passed a law stripping Caracas City Hall of nearly all of its budget and responsibilities.

Opposition supporters in Caracas protest against the Venezuelan government and in support of jailed opposition leaders Leopoldo Lopez and Antonio Ledezma on Feb. 28. Carlos Garcia Rawlins/Reuters/Landov hide caption

itoggle caption Carlos Garcia Rawlins/Reuters/Landov

One of the few programs Ledezma's office still runs is the distribution of water tanks to poor families. With her boss behind bars, Fernndez, the acting mayor, oversees these duties in a Caracas slum.

Nearly all other city functions are handled by an unelected city manager named Ernesto Villegas, who was not available for comment. President Maduro appointed Villegas to the job just two days after he lost to Ledezma in the 2013 mayoral race.

"That is something I have never heard of in any other country in the world," says Milos Alcalay, who handles international relations for City Hall. "'OK, you lost the election? Don't worry, my friend. You are still the mayor of Caracas.'"

Related NPR Stories

The Two-Way

Venezuela Cuts American Embassy Staff, Restricts U.S. Travel

Parallels

Venezuela Braces For A Tough Year Ahead

Parallels

Venezuela's President Sees Only Plots As His Economy Crumbles

Parallels

Venezuela: A Month Of Unrest And Forecasts Of More

The Two-Way

Protests In Venezuela Intensify, As Government Deploys Military

Alcalay says that as the president's popularity sinks, the Maduro government is resorting to drastic measures to prevent the opposition from picking up steam.

Nationwide, three mayors as well as opposition leader Leopoldo Lpez have been imprisoned on what the human rights groups say are trumped-up charges.

However, the opposition can also play rough. At a state-run grocery store, where people were standing in line to buy subsidized food, I met Nelson Barrio, who was wearing a red Socialist Party T-shirt.

Barrio briefly worked for Ledezma in the 1990s when he served as mayor of a district of Caracas. Barrio says that he and 800 other workers were fired because they didn't belong to Ledezma's political party.

"Venezuelan politics have always been hard-core," he says.

But back at the mayor's damaged private office, Mitzi Ledezma says that the arrest of her husband marks a new low.

"The government will have to build a lot more prisons," she says, "because the opposition is getting bigger by the day."

Venezuela

Supermarkets devote aisle-end displays to Spam and its familiar blue and yellow tin. A local Hormel licensee, CJ CheilJedang Corp., manufactures the product here, printing the logo on one side with characters from the Korean alphabet, known as Hangul.

It's relatively cheap, too: A 200-gram can costs about $3.

At that price, many Koreans view it as a tasty side dish, especially as processed foods go. "It's seen as a high-end luncheon meat," says Cho Hye-Jin, who works in Seoul. "Out of the variety of luncheon meats available in Korea, Spam is probably the best quality."

Cho and Park Jin-Hong, both construction consultants, say they most often see their peers consume Spam along with soju — a clear alcoholic beverage made with rice, potatoes or other starches. Park says Spam isn't a staple of his diet — "it's too salty" — but he does enjoy it.

He said he prefers a low-sodium version, one of two varieties (along with the original) sold in Korea. Customers here can also buy prepackaged Spam products, such as fried rice, in frozen-food aisles.

South Koreans aren't the only Asians who use Spam in traditional meals. In the Philippines, for example, it's sometimes served in rellenong manok, a stuffed chicken dish. They're also not the first to adopt specialties introduced by the U.S. military.

Perhaps the most iconic Spam dish in South Korea is a spicy soup known as budae jjigae, or army stew. After the war, Koreans used U.S. Army rations — sometimes smuggled off military bases or donated by soldiers — to make the deep-red dish.

This concoction comes in many varieties. Restaurants use a mix of hot spices, noodles, Spam, sausage, beans, corn, green vegetables — even cheese. It has been called "pig stew," "soldier stew" and "Johnson's stew," the latter after our 36th president.

Chris Amoroso, an American, discovered budae jjigae a few years ago while teaching English here. He liked it so much that he created a video on YouTube explaining the dish's colorful history. "It's delicious," he tells viewers, sitting before a boiling pot.

"It is not a soup that one can eat often. It's so rich and probably not very healthy," he tells The Salt. "Americans should know that if they ever get a chance to go [to Korea], they should definitely try it."

While the soup is an ingrained part of the food culture here, seasonal gift boxes are still a big reason why Spam sales are so strong in South Korea. The gifts typically come in Spam-branded boxes, with as many as nine cans inside, along with other items, like cooking oil. Families exchange them during the traditional harvest holiday season, known as chuseok, in early fall, and the Lunar New Year. Bosses hand them out to employees.

These boxes represent more than half of Hormel's annual Spam sales on the peninsula, the company says — perhaps one reason for the slick advertisements promoting them in South Korea.

Later in the short video advertisement described above, the camera switches between enticing rice and noodle dishes, an elegant sandwich and multiple cans of Spam. One by one, the cans fill the gift box. The young woman returns and smiles into the camera. She later shyly tucks her hair behind an ear while looking down, as if pondering something special.

The music continues. "We have prepared the gift set with all our hearts," says the narrator. "Spam gift set — everyone knows what it's worth."

Gray, who lives in Seoul, believes he knows the product's value here, too.

"I always joke with guests who come to Korea, 'See, you could have packed a whole suitcase of Spam. You would have made a lot of friends."

Hae Ryun Kang contributed to this report.

Matt Stiles, who recently tried Spam in ramen noodles, is a former data editor at NPR and currently a Seoul-based freelance journalist. You can share your Spam stories with @stiles or @NPRFood.

hormel

budae jjigae

americans

Korean food

foodways

Korea

spam

pork

Some people were born knowing what they want to be when they grow up. Brad Bird, the mastermind behind Pixar's The Incredibles and Ratatouille was one of those kids. At age thirteen, Bird finished his first animated film, a remake of The Tortoise and the Hare that ends in a five-way tie. He told Ask Me Another host Ophira Eisenberg, "My parents told me to send it to the [most famous] person and work my way down." Luckily for Bird, the most famous person ended up being Milt Kahl, a legendary animator at Disney, who took Bird under his wing (pun intended).

In 2011, Bird made a daring leap into live action films, helming the fourth installment of the Tom Cruise franchise Mission: Impossible - Ghost Protocol. Bird's latest project, Tomorrowland, is, like much of his work, intended for adults and children alike.

Web Extra

With all that he's done, it's easy to forget he played a key role in the early development of another animated institution, The Simpsons. Bird directed multiple episodes, and even designed the character of Sideshow Bob. For Bird's VIP game, we see how well he remembers the citizens of Springfield by subjecting him to a speed round about famous Simpsons catchphrases.

Interview highlights

On voicing Edna Mode from the Incredibles

"I was exceedingly cheap and available."

On Technology and the Film industry

Fresh Food

Brad Bird, Patton Oswalt On Cooking Up 'Ratatouille'

It's very difficult nowadays because everyone has a device with which they can ruin your movie. They print things on paper so that nobody can copy them, but they also make them impossible to read when you're on the set.

Sen. Tom Cotton accused President Obama of holding up a "false choice" between his framework deal on Iran's nuclear program and war. He also seemed to diminish what military action against Iran would entail.

"Even if military action were required," the freshman Arkansas Republican senator said on a radio show Tuesday hosted by the Family Research Council's Tony Perkins. In the comments first picked up by BuzzFeed, Cotton also said: "the president is trying to make you think it would be 150,000 heavy mechanized troops on the ground in the Middle East again as we saw in Iraq. That's simply not the case."

"It would be something more along the lines of what President Clinton did in December 1998 during Operation Desert Fox. Several days of air and naval bombing against Iraq's weapons of mass destruction facilities for exactly the same kind of behavior. For interfering with weapons inspectors and for disobeying Security Council resolutions. All we're asking is that the president simply be as tough in the protection of America's national security interest as Bill Clinton was."

That bombing operation lasted four days and hit nearly 100 Iraqi targets after U.N. inspectors said Iraq had not fully cooperated with inspections.

Of course, military analysts point out that Iran is a larger country than Iraq with a more sophisticated military.

"The only thing worse than an Iran with nuclear weapons would be an Iran with nuclear weapons that one or more countries attempted to prevent them from obtaining by military strikes — and failed," said Ryan Crocker, the former U.S. ambassador to Iraq and Afghanistan, in 2013.

Added Jim Walsh, a researcher at MIT, who has studied Iran's nuclear program, "I fear that a military strike will produce the very thing you are trying to avoid, which is the Iranian government would meet the day after the attack and say: 'Oh yeah, we'll show you — we are going to build a nuclear weapon.' I think we will get a weapon's decision following an attack, which is the last thing we want to produce right now."

Cotton — who orchestrated a letter to Iran's leaders, which 46 other GOP senators signed onto disapproving of any potential deal with Iran — also called the president's underlying assumptions in making a deal "wishful thinking."

"It's thinking that's characterized by a child's wish for a pony," he said.

It's not the first time bombing Iran has come up around political campaigns. It was almost exactly five years when John McCain joked in New Hampshire about bombing Iran, singing "that old Beach Boys song, 'Bomb Iran.'"

"Bomb, bomb, bomb, bomb, anyway, ah....," he sang to the tune of "Barbara Ann."

McCain, though, has also long noted that military action should be a last resort.

Hillary Clinton even said during that election cycle that if Iran attacked Israel with a nuclear weapon, "We would be able to totally obliterate them."

Coffee and tea both landed in the British isles in the 1600s. In fact, java even got a head start of about a decade. And yet, a century later, tea was well on its way to becoming a daily habit for millions of Britons — which it remains to this day.

So how did tea emerge as Britain's hot beverage of choice?

The short answer: Tea met sugar, forming a power couple that altered the course of history. It was a marriage shaped by fashion, health fads and global economics. And the growing taste for sweetened tea also helped fuel one of the worst blights on human history: the slave trade.

The Princess And The Tea

i

Catherine of Braganza was an early celebrity endorser of tea. After she wed Charles II, the fad for tea took off among the British nobility. Kitty Shannon/Corbis/Lebrecht Music & Arts hide caption

itoggle caption Kitty Shannon/Corbis/Lebrecht Music & Arts

Catherine of Braganza was an early celebrity endorser of tea. After she wed Charles II, the fad for tea took off among the British nobility.

Kitty Shannon/Corbis/Lebrecht Music & Arts

Tea was practically unknown in Europe until the mid-1600s. But in England, it got an early PR boost from Catherine of Braganza, a celebrity who became its ambassador: The Portuguese royal favored the infusion, and when she married England's Charles II in 1662, tea became the "it" drink among the British upper classes. But it might have faded as a passing fad if not for another favorite nibble of the nobility: sugar.

In the 1500s and 1600s, sugar was the "object of a sustained vogue in northern Europe," historian Woodruff Smith wrote in a 1992 paper.

Sugar was expensive and relatively rare, making it a perfect object of conspicuous consumption for status-chasing elites. Shaped into elaborate sculptures, mixed into wines, sprinkled on tarts and on glazed roasted meats — sugar was a much noted feature of upper-class life, says Smith, a professor emeritus at the University of Massachusetts, Boston who has studied the history of consumption. Cookbooks of the late 16th and early 17th century even treated sugar as a sort of drug to help balance the "humors" — energies that were believed to affect health and mood.

Then came the backlash: In the late 1600s, doctors started warning about the perils of sugar — it was blamed (correctly) for rotting teeth and (incorrectly) causing gout, among other ills — and it began to fall out of style among the rich and fabulous, Smith tells The Salt. Suddenly, sugar was the demon du jour. By around 1700, the word on sugar was no longer ostentation but moderation.

Clean Eating, Circa Late-1600s

i

The Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp by Rembrandt, 1632. Here, Tulp explains musculature matters. Elsewhere, the good doctor was promoting the health virtues of tea. Rembrandt/Wikimedia Commons hide caption

itoggle caption Rembrandt/Wikimedia Commons

The Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp by Rembrandt, 1632. Here, Tulp explains musculature matters. Elsewhere, the good doctor was promoting the health virtues of tea.

Rembrandt/Wikimedia Commons

Meanwhile, lots of people were writing about the health benefits of tea, Smith says — including Nicholaes Tulp, a famed, well-connected Dutch physician immortalized in Rembrandt's painting The Anatomy Lesson. (Perhaps not coincidentally, Smith notes, Tulp "probably served on the board of directors of the Dutch East India Company" — which was, of course, importing tea.) Some enthusiasts suggested tea could induce the "constant sluicing of the body by drinking tens or hundreds of cups daily," Woodruff writes. Tea detox, anyone?

It turns out that self-help books were popular back then, too, and one of the most influential practitioners of the form was an English writer named Thomas Tryon, who had lots of theories on nutrition. (His followers included a young Benjamin Franklin.)

Tryon had a love-hate relationship with sugar. He'd been to plantations in the West Indies and was horrified by the system of slavery under which sugar cane was grown. But he also believed that anything that made people feel as good as sugar does must have some intrinsic health value. A dollop of sugar in a nonalcoholic, herbal infusion was a good way to get a hit of sweetness without going overboard, he thought. While Tryon didn't specify which infusion to use for this healthful concoction, "tea was the most obvious one," Smith says.

Such health notions, Smith says, help explain why, by the 1720s and 1730s, the custom of taking tea with sugar had taken hold among the British upper and middle classes.

The Birth Of A Global Economy

Interestingly, Smith notes, there's evidence that much of the same health claims about tea — that it cleared the head and improved spirits, without the debauchery of alcohol — were also being made about coffee around the turn of the 18th century. But coffee came from countries like Yemen and Eritrea — "places beyond European control and with little capacity to expand production," Smith writes. So when demand for coffee rose, prices did, too.

Tea, on the other hand, came from China — which had in place a sophisticated commerce system that could respond quickly to rising demand, Smith says. That demand was coming from the British and Dutch East India companies, which were already in China buying spices, silks and other goods for trade. As interest in tea grew back home, Smith says, the companies were in good position to ship large, reliable quantities at affordable prices "and therefore make tea a popular fad — and beyond a fad."

"What you're seeing is the global economy being constructed," Smith says. "It's these two companies as the vanguard of modern capitalism."

As Lord Beckett, the villainous, tea-and-sugar-sipping agent of the British East India Company in the Pirates of Caribbean movies might have put it, "it's just good business." (Such good business, of course, that, in the 19th century, the company went on to steal the secrets of tea production from China to establish a tea empire in India.)

http://simplify-your-vibrations.tumblr.com/post/49217897598

Fuel For The Industrial Revolution

Tea and sugar proved good for business in another sense: as a cheap source of calories for the working classes.

Beer and cider had long been the drink of choice for the working poor, notes food historian Rachel Laudan. With good reason: The drinks were calorific, and the alcohol was mildly analgesic — both necessary when your days were filled with grinding labor. "Of course, that came at the cost of alertness," Laudan says.

But as the Industrial Revolution got underway beginning in the mid-1700s, the working classes gave up the plow and headed to the factory, where showing up tipsy wasn't exactly a way to get ahead.

Tea sweetened with a strong dose of sugar was an affordable luxury: It gave workers a hit of caffeine to get through a long slog of a day, it provided plentiful calories, and it offered the comfort of warmth during a meal that otherwise often consisted only of bread.

Paying For Empire In Tea And Sugar

The rise of tea and sugar as a power duo was a boon for British government coffers. By the mid-1700s, tea imports accounted for one-tenth of overall tax income, says Laudan, a visiting professor at the University of Texas, Austin.

i

The Warley, a ship belonging to the British East India Company at the turn of the 19th century Robert Salmon/Wikimedia hide caption

itoggle caption Robert Salmon/Wikimedia

The Warley, a ship belonging to the British East India Company at the turn of the 19th century

Robert Salmon/Wikimedia

As for sugar? According to one analysis, Laudan notes, in the 1760s, the annual duties on sugar imports were "enough to pay to maintain all ships in the navy." A great deal of that sugar, historians say, was being stirred into tea.

Those tea-and-sugar monies helped supply the British navy with better foodstuffs, Laudan says, including vegetables when available. And that navy was key to spreading British might across the globe.

"It's this dominance of the British navy that allows Britain to become the major colonial power in 19th century," Laudan tells The Salt.

But all this growth came at a terrible human price.

As Smith notes, the fad for tea came in just as sugar was under attack and had started to fall out of favor. By creating a new and lasting use for this sweetener, tea helped buoy demand for sugar from the West Indies. "And indeed, it continued to support the expansion of slavery there," Smith says.

So the next time you finding yourself sipping a nice warm cup, consider how something as simple as a drink can shape events half a world away. Even today, our edibles aren't just about appetite — the palatable is political.

Tea Tuesdays

tea

British food

food history

With his head of silver hair and stylish black blazer, Iranian artist Parviz Tanavoli looks younger than his 77 years. He's been called the father of modern Iranian sculpture, but he hasn't had a major museum show in the U.S. in almost four decades. Now, Wellesley College's Davis Museum is giving viewers a chance to see 175 of Tanavoli's sculptures and drawings.

While leading a tour of the Massachusetts school's gallery, Tanavoli stops in front of his curvaceous sculptures known as "Heeches."

"Any Iranian could easily read this," he says, referring to the sculptures. "It's composed of three letters: H, the head is like H; then the center part is like I or double E; this curve is like CH at the end." On paper, the Heech is a slender piece of calligraphy that's popular in Persian poetry: It means "nothingness" in Farsi.

"The other advantage of this word is all the meanings behind it," Tanavoli says. "... All the great poets like Rumi, they deal with this word; they question about it. What is Heech? I mean, is there nothing?"

Tanavoli has crafted hundreds of Heeches over the past 50 years — in ceramic, bronze, fiberglass and even neon. They are graceful, almost human forms that connect with viewers and helped revive sculpture as an art form in Iran.

i

Parviz Tanavoli, Neon Heech, 2012. John Gordon/Courtesy of Parviz Tanavoli hide caption

itoggle caption John Gordon/Courtesy of Parviz Tanavoli

Parviz Tanavoli, Neon Heech, 2012.

John Gordon/Courtesy of Parviz Tanavoli

"He's definitely the pride of the Middle Eastern art scene," says Ali Khadra of the contemporary art magazine Canvas, based in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Khadra flew to Boston for a 24-hour visit just to see Tanavoli's new exhibition. He calls the sculptor "a beacon of hope" for aspiring artists in his politically tense region and he hopes this show will help bring a little of the culture behind the headlines to Western audiences.

"It's like a chain reaction," Khadra says. "When a museum is interested, an education program takes place and the interest keeps growing. And this is how the West will know about Middle Eastern art."

The 'Good Days' In Iran

Sculpture died off as an art form in the region now known as Iran after the Arabs conquered Persia in the 7th century. At the time, visual depictions of the human body were at odds with the Muslim belief that art is a representation of the divine. But after studying sculpture in Italy in the 1950s, Tanavoli returned to Tehran and opened a studio that became a magnet for young artists.

i

Fiberglass Heech sculptures by Parviz Tanavoli. Charles Mayer/Courtesy of the Davis Museum hide caption

itoggle caption Charles Mayer/Courtesy of the Davis Museum

Fiberglass Heech sculptures by Parviz Tanavoli.

Charles Mayer/Courtesy of the Davis Museum

"It was very exciting for [me]," the artist says. "I was young and I thought I was doing something and I worked very hard for it. And when I look at it today, I'm proud of it. They were good days."

But they were also challenging.

"There weren't that many people trained for art, and there weren't that many followers or fans and collectors," he says. "People weren't familiar with the modern art I was producing."

In 1965, authorities shut down Tanavoli's gallery show in Tehran because it merged materials and imagery from the East and West. Things got more complicated for the artist with the 1979 revolution and the taking of hostages at the American embassy in Tehran. He ultimately left his teaching job at Tehran University and moved his family to Toronto.

A Cultural History Lesson Through Art

i

Parviz Tanavoli, Hands in Grill, 2005. Charles Mayer/Courtesy of Parviz Tanavoli hide caption

itoggle caption Charles Mayer/Courtesy of Parviz Tanavoli

Parviz Tanavoli, Hands in Grill, 2005.

Charles Mayer/Courtesy of Parviz Tanavoli

Shiva Balaghi is a Middle Eastern culture historian at Brown University and co-curator of the Davis Museum's show. She says you could teach a seminar on modern Iranian history through Tanavoli's work. "You see the common art of the streets of Tehran represented in his work; you see Iranian folklore; you see ancient Persian myths. But you also see that within Iranian society and culture there is this poetic and lyrical spirit and this sense of humor that withstands regardless of the day-to-day political situation."

That situation is reflected in some of Tanavoli's mor e brutal, confining imagery of cages, locks and jail cells. Still, Balaghi thinks Americans will be surprised to see how optimistic this Iranian's work is.

Related NPR Stories

Books

'Heart' Of Iranian Identity Reimagined For A New Generation

Middle East

At The Met: A Middle East Transition, Centuries Ago

The Picture Show

Iranian Street Art Finds Its Way To L.A.

"There is this sense of gratitude for the simple things in life — like the image of a bird flying, like the shape of a letter in the alphabet," she says.

Tanavoli keeps a foundry and studio in Iran and lives there part of the year, but he admits that politics have hindered his country's ability to share its culture. He says, "We used to be very well connected with Westerners ... but now it's unfortunate because so much has been happening in Iran in [the] last 35 years in culture — music, film and all of that — a lot of people are not even aware of it."

They'll get a chance to learn a little more through two other U.S. shows of contemporary Iranian art — one at the Guggenheim Museum in New York and another at the Hirshhorn Museum in Washington, D.C. Meanwhile, Tanavoli says he's honored to have his work act, for now, as something of an ambassador.

"Iran has a long culture, millenniums of culture," he says, "but for today I think this represents Iran pretty good."

Blog Archive