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A Texan known for talking is making news again.

And it's not Republican Sen. Ted Cruz.

Democratic state Sen. Wendy Davis, whose June filibuster of a Texas abortion bill gained her national headlines, is reportedly running for governor. The Los Angeles Times, citing Democratic sources, says Davis will announce her candidacy next week.

Davis, 50, hopes to succeed Republican Gov. Rick Perry, who is retiring at the end of his third term. If she gets the Democratic nomination, Davis would likely face Republican Greg Abbott, the state attorney general.

Davis' chances in red Texas are still to be seen. The New York Times, which also cited Democratic sources in reporting that Davis would run, put it this way:

"Ms. Davis's decision has the potential to turn the race to determine Gov. Rick Perry's successor into a rare competitive showdown between long-suffering Texas Democrats and the Republican conservatives who have ruled state politics for decades. She would enter the race as a substantial underdog, but her candidacy would represent the most serious challenge to the Republican lock on the office. Two Republicans, Mr. Perry and George W. Bush, have held the office since the party began its winning streak in governor's races in 1994, with Mr. Bush's victory over the incumbent, Ann W. Richards."

Two high-profile Texans are fighting the Affordable Care Act.

Gov. Rick Perry has loudly dismissed the law, and fellow Republican Sen. Ted Cruz took to the Senate floor this week to rail against it at length — 21 hours and 19 minutes to be exact.

On the other side of the issue, you have Rosy Mota and her clipboard, standing at the door of a CVS pharmacy in one of Houston's Latino neighborhoods, stopping shoppers.

"Hello, would you like a brochure about the new health care coverage that's coming into effect? We'll be here if you have any questions," she tells a customer.

Mota works for Enroll America, a national organization that has borrowed its tactics from the Obama re-election campaign. The group has combined sophisticated data-mining techniques and digital maps to figure out where the uninsured in Houston live, down to the block and house level.

Enroll America has just seven workers for Houston's 800,000 uninsured residents. But the it is part of a coalition of organizations that includes the city health department, the county's public clinics and groups like the Urban League. They're all trying to get the word out about health insurance marketplaces and help the uninsured buy coverage made possible by the health law. The exchanges are scheduled to open Oct. 1.

"Regardless of whether you are for the Affordable Care Act or you're against the Affordable Care Act, we're not looking at it that way," says Houston health official Benjamin Hernandez. "We're saying that, from a public health perspective, getting people insured and getting them into the system is a good thing to do."

The state of Texas is not providing any money or staff to help people sign up. So the city is using federal money funneled through the United Way and also tapping its own resources.

In fact, it considers the project so important that it's using the same command-and-control structure that it uses during hurricanes. Instead of shelters and relief centers, the city is compiling a list of block parties, church events and festivals where people can learn about how to sign up for Obamacare.

In addition to uninsured whites, black and Latinos, Houston has large populations of immigrants from Vietnam, China and South Asia. Last week Asian-American health advocates met with the city health director and a Medicare official. They shared concerns about people's lack of information and trouble finding interpreters.

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Things were better in the old days.

Lots of people feel that way — particularly when the current state of politics inspires such despair. Maybe for that reason, former officeholders are much in demand these days.

In Philadelphia, there's a move afoot to draft Ed Rendell, a former Democratic mayor and governor, to run for mayor again after 13 years' absence from City Hall. Three states already have repeat governors who had previously been out of office an average of 16 years.

In many places, it's been out with the new and in with the old.

"They just said, enough of this nonsense that's going on over there," says Ron Erhardt, one of a dozen state legislators in Minnesota who were re-elected last fall after spending some time out of office. "We're a better state than is being pushed around by these folks who are getting nothing done."

It's not a huge trend. Not all former politicians are seen as sages more capable than the current incumbents.

But plenty of people are open to the idea that the old guys and gals might have had better ideas about how to run things than the elected officials who are currently messing things up.

"With all the recent talk of shutdowns, fiscal cliffs and debt ceilings, and the general sense that our politics are broken or dysfunctional, people are longing for a time when politics seemed to work and politicians seemed to get things done," says Lara Brown, program director of the public management program at George Washington University.

Prepared For Comebacks

California Democrat Jerry Brown was elected to a third term as governor of California in 2010. His second term had ended back in 1983.

He's now seen as easily the dominant figure in state politics, getting nearly everything he wants from the Legislature and helping to put the state's finances back into some kind of order.

"Sometimes public officials actually learn from their previous mistakes, as I think is the case with Jerry Brown," says Stanford University political scientist Bruce Cain.

Brown was one of five former governors trying to win back their old jobs in 2010. Two others also won: Republican Terry Branstad of Iowa and Democrat John Kitzhaber of Oregon.

All three now appear to be safe bets for re-election next year, benefiting from the lack of political bench strength in their states.

"Part of what goes on with these cases is just simple name recognition, which is a very big resource for any politician who has it," says Bill Lunch, a political scientist at Oregon State University.

That may be why Florida Democrats appear willing to nominate former Gov. Charlie Crist for another term. He governed as a Republican, ran for Senate in 2010 as an independent, and has since discovered his inner Democrat.

Experience Matters

Name recognition is one reason dynasties have always been a part of American politics, from the Adams family to the Bush presidencies.

"You can't bring back Bill Clinton, so his wife is the next best thing," says David Crockett, a political scientist at Trinity University in San Antonio.

But in many cases, people are holding out for the original — not a relative, but the specific person who has held the job before.

Part of this may be nostalgia for their former tenure. If times were good on their watch, why not let them take control again?

Not many Californians, however, remember much about how Brown governed back in the 1970s, Stanford's Cain says. Instead, they were attracted by the fact that he had plenty of experience, as governor and in a number of other political roles since.

"Nostalgia did not factor into Jerry Brown's election as much as a reaction to his predecessor" — the Republican movie star Arnold Schwarzenegger — "who had to learn politics on the job," Cain says. "There is a tendency in politics to cycle back and forth between new people who promise new approaches, and old, steady hands."

No Longer LBJ's Town

That might be what's driving political nostalgia in Washington. Barack Obama was elected president with less experience than any of his modern predecessors.

Obama's not the only relative newbie.

As the current Congress got underway in January, 36 percent of the House members were either freshmen or sophomores. (Eight House members had just been re-elected after spending at least a couple of years out of office.)

Thirty senators had served no more than two years in the chamber. At the state level, lack of on-the-job experience is even more pronounced.

After voting in so many newcomers and outsiders who haven't been able to agree on much, there's been a lot of pining for old-timers who knew how to get things done. There have been endless evocations during Obama's tenure of Tip O'Neill and Ronald Reagan being able to get along in the 1980s when they served, respectively, as the Democratic House speaker and GOP president.

Obama has also frequently been compared unfavorably with the wheeling and dealing demonstrated by Democratic President Lyndon Johnson, who managed to push through any number of landmark bills during the 1960s, including the Voting Rights Act and the creation of Medicare.

Bring Back The Old Band

But times have changed. If you brought back LBJ — or Reagan or Clinton — they would find that making deals and winning votes from the opposition party is practically impossible just now.

"When Johnson was president, it wasn't arm-twisting that produced legislation," says Thomas Mann, a congressional scholar at the Brookings Institution. "He had [Senate GOP leader Everett] Dirksen and half of the Republican Party willing to work with him. The parties are tribalistic now."

The very fact that times and circumstances have changed, however, explains why some voters might want to try to turn back the clock and give retreads another spin.

"The tenor of American politics is very polarized, and that makes politicians look pathologically incapable," says Crockett, who has studied restoration politics. "We look back and imagine there was a time when things looked better, so why not bring back the people who ran things then."

четверг

With upwards of 650 movies out in an average year, there's no way NPR's critics are gonna write full-on reviews of everything we see. But we thought we'd take a stab at doing short takes on some of the notable things that didn't quite make the cut. If it sticks, we'll call 'em Clip Jobs. Let us know what you think.

When The 'Meatballs' Are Tasty, Hollywood Dishes Up More

We could discuss the mechanics of comedy, or the work that goes into crafting a good animated sight gag, or the perilous course a team of filmmakers must navigate when they set out to make a sequel to a hit that's inspired as much affection as Cloudy With a Chance of Meatballs.

Or we could just acknowledge that Meatballs 2, out today, is a film that involves watermelephants.

I said watermelephants:

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