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Iraq has long played a major role in President Obama's political life, going back to his earliest days as an Illinois state senator barely known outside of his Chicago district.

Obama's early anti-Iraq war stand would become a centerpiece of his first run for the White House, but it's since been a persistent crisis that's been his to manage, despite his every effort to put it behind him.

In late 2002, before the Iraq war had begun, then-state Sen. Obama appeared on Public Affairs, a Chicago television program hosted by Jeff Berkowitz. He was asked how, given the chance, he would have voted on the U.S. Senate's resolution to give President Bush authority to use military force in Iraq.

"If it had come to me in an up or down vote as it came, I think I would have agreed with our senior Senator Dick Durbin and voted nay," Obama told Berkowitz.

That early opposition to the war would be a focus of his 2008 presidential campaign.

"When I am this party's nominee, my opponent will not be able to say that I voted for the war in Iraq," he told supporters in Des Moines in 2007, just weeks before the Iowa caucuses. He was referring indirectly to Hillary Clinton, his main rival for the Democratic nomination. She had voted yes on the Iraq War Resolution.

"As president, I will end the war in Iraq. We will have our troops home in sixteen months," he said, making a promise that would become a constant pledge throughout his campaign.

Though Obama won the White House, Iraq would not be an easy fix.

"I think he way he talk about it on the campaign was overly optimistic," said Joseph Nye, a professor and foreign policy specialist at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. "In American politics, we campaign in poetry and we govern in prose, and Obama's enough of a pragmatist that when he got into government, he quickly realized he couldn't meet the 16-month pledge."

Obama's tone changed once he became president and the war was his to lead.

"To understand where we need to go in Iraq, it is important for the American people to understand where we now stand," the president said on a visit to Camp Lejeune in North Carolina, a month after taking office. "Thanks in great measure to your service, and you sacrifice and your families' sacrifice, the situation in Iraq has improved."

And he did bring the war to an end – though it took more than twice as long as promised.

In December 2011, just days before the last U.S. troops would leave the country, he spoke at North Carolina's Fort Bragg. "Everything that American troops have done in Iraq, all the fighting and all the dying, the bleeding and the building, and the training and the partnering – all of it has led to this moment of success," he said.

He acknowledged that Iraq is not a perfect place and had challenges yet ahead. But he argued that "we're leaving behind a sovereign, stable and self-reliant Iraq."

Iraq, of course, has been anything stable since that December 2011 speech.

"It's ironic that it's Iraq that's coming back to haunt him," said Nye. "After all, he said Afghanistan was the war that we need to keep our eye on. But history is full of surprises like this."

It's a war the president warned against, but which he inherited. And his critics say he's made the situation worse by not being attentive enough to signs of trouble.

Obama says there will be no U.S. troops sent back into combat in Iraq — there's no public support for such a thing anyway.

Still, the public will judge how he handles the current crisis. Officially, the Iraq war may be over, but that wasn't the end of it for the President.

Not by far.

DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (AP) — Saudi Arabia and other petro-powerhouses of the Gulf for years encouraged a flow of private cash to Sunni rebels in Syria. Now an al-Qaida breakaway group that benefited from some of that funding has stormed across a wide swath of Iraq, and Gulf nations fear its extremism could be a threat to them as well.

Those countries are trying to put the brakes on the network of private fundraisers sending money to the rebel movement, hoping to halt financing going to the radical Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.

Fundraising clerics complain that they are being told not to collect money for any Syrian rebels.

"Right now there is a siege. All the Gulf countries that were supportive have barred that support," Kuwaiti cleric Nabil al-Awadi angrily said on his TV program.

At the same time, the Gulf states sharply oppose any U.S. military assistance to Iraq's Shiite-led government aimed at stopping the extremists' rapid advance. And they are furious at the possibility that Washington could cooperate with top rival Iran to help Iraq.

Their stance reflects the complex tangle of national rivalries and sectarian enmities in the region. Sunni-ruled Saudi Arabia, along with its Gulf allies, have had the primary goal of stopping the influence of mainly Shiite Iran in the Middle East, and they deeply oppose Iran's ally, Iraqi Shiite Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, whom they accuse of discriminating against his country's Sunni minority.

Gulf states are torn over the Islamic State's victories. While they would welcome a more Sunni-friendly government in Iraq, they also fear Islamic radicals might eventually turn their weapons on the Gulf's pro-Western monarchies. Gulf leaders also worry Iran will have an even bigger role in Iraq — a scenario already beginning to play out with top Iranian military figures in Baghdad helping organize the army.

In phone calls this week with the leaders or foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry heard a chorus of disapproval for any kind of U.S. military operation to help al-Maliki, such as airstrikes or train-and-equip missions, according to U.S. officials familiar with the conversations. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to publicly discuss the private exchanges.

Earlier this week, Saudi Arabia's Cabinet put out a statement blaming the insurgent explosion on al-Maliki's government's marginalization of the Sunni minority — "the sectarian and exclusionary policies practiced in Iraq over the past years."

Iraq's Cabinet replied Tuesday with a furious statement of its own, accusing Saudi Arabia of fueling the Islamic States' rise and of "appeasement to terrorism." It said it holds the kingdom accountable for "the resulting crimes, which are tantamount to genocide."

The Islamic State's surge in Iraq is in part a blowback from the Gulf countries' policies in neighboring Syria, where they have backed the Sunni-led rebellion in hopes of toppling another of Iran's allies, President Bashar Assad.

With government consent, influential and even state-linked Sunni clerics in the Gulf in recent years urged men to join rebels in Syria and drummed up donations for the Syrian cause in campaigns in mosques, online and on TV. The funds went to numerous Syrian rebel factions, but some are believed to have gone to extremist ones like the Islamic State.

David Cohen, of the U.S. Treasury Department, put the amounts raised in the hundreds of millions. Some of that went to legitimate humanitarian purposes, but much went the rebels, including extremist groups, Cohen — who is the undersecretary for terrorism and financial intelligence — said in a speech earlier this year. He did not provide more precise figures.

He said Kuwait has become "the epicenter of fundraising for terrorist groups in Syria," and money is being raised in Kuwait and Qatar for the Islamic State as well al-Qaida's affiliate in Syria, the Nusra Front. The U.S. State Department said Monday there is no evidence of Gulf governments themselves funding Islamic State.

The head of the Western-backed Syrian opposition coalition, Ahmad Jarba, angrily denounced the international community for failing to support more moderate rebels from the Free Syrian Army and implicitly accused Gulf nations of backing the Islamic State in a speech to a gathering of leaders from Islamic countries in the Saudi city of Jiddah on Tuesday.

"Some leaders believed they could use terrorists as hired mercenaries but suddenly found themselves stuck with terrorists who used the opportunity to advance their own interests and agenda," Jarba said. Free Syrian Army fighters have been battling Islamic State forces in eastern Syria, trying to hold back their advances there.

The Islamic State has emerged as one of the most radical factions in Syria's civil war and its priority, more than ousting Assad, has been to achieve its dream of a cross-border "Islamic emirate" in the region, starting with Iraq and Syria. Even before the Islamic State swept over Iraq's second-largest city, Mosul, a week ago, Gulf nations began to worry the group is too uncontrollable, too ambitious and a potential threat to their rulers, who al-Qaida and other radicals have long said should be toppled.

The Islamic State "not only targets Kuwait, but the entire region," Kuwait Deputy Foreign Minister Khaled Al-Jarallah said, adding that Gulf nations must "protect our internal front."

Governments began reining in their support for rebels earlier this year. Saudi Arabia has warned its citizens they will be prosecuted if they fight abroad and labeled the Islamic State a terrorist organization.

In Qatar, one of the most prominent clerics supporting Syrian fighters, Sheik Yusuf al-Qaradawi, has not been on the pulpit for months. In Kuwait, Nayef al-Ajmi, who held the posts of justice minister and Islamic endowments minister, resigned in May after the U.S. Treasury accused him of having a history of promoting jihad in Syria, though the government insisted his activities were "charitable, religious and humanitarian."

Al-Awadi, who is part of a collective fundraising campaign for Syria by Kuwaiti charities, has been accused by other prominent clerics in the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia of using donations to fund the Islamic State.

"Pressure has been put on me to stop collecting aid to Syria," he said, adding that directives from the Kuwaiti government "were clear: Syria is over." But he said money is still finding its way through back channels.

Toby Matthiesen, author of "Sectarian Gulf" and a research fellow at Cambridge University, said that for now Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries are focused on "regime survival" and countering Iran — and "playing all the cards they can in this regional sectarian war trumps everything else."

But the repercussions are unpredictable. The Islamic State blitz could exacerbate sectarian tensions between Sunnis and Shiites in flashpoints like Bahrain and eastern Saudi Arabia, the heartland of the kingdom's Shiite minority. It could also embolden al-Qaida-inspired fighters against the Gulf countries.

The Gulf polices supporting rebels in Iraq and Syria have been a "double-edged sword," Matthiesen said. "My prediction is that in the mid to long term, this will turn out to have been a bad policy."

___

Lee reported from Washington. Associated Press writers Hussain al-Qatari in Kuwait City and Abdulla al-Rebhy in Doha, Qatar contributed to this report.

GARDNER, Mass. (AP) — A Massachusetts priest says he's baffled by a theft from his church in which the only things taken were priestly vestments and other nearly valueless items.

WBZ-TV (http://cbsloc.al/1yifIHW ) reports that no money, no religious artifacts, and nothing of major value was taken in the theft from St. Joseph Roman Catholic Church in Gardner.

Police arrested three 22-year-old city men after someone reported seeing someone wearing the vestments inside an abandoned building. They're charged with receiving stolen property, and breaking and entering.

The Rev. Thomas Tokarz says he forgives the men, but still wants to know why they took what they did.

Police say they have a motive, but are not making it public until they finish the investigation. They do say the motive was not anti-religious.

The church's property has been returned.

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Information from: WBZ-TV, http://cbsboston.com

RIO DE JANEIRO (AP) — Defending champion Spain, the dominant global football power for the past six years, was eliminated from World Cup contention Wednesday with a 2-0 loss to Chile.

Spain's famed passing game failed against a high-tempo, tenacious Chile team, its era ending in the storied Maracana Stadium filled mostly with noisy Chilean supporters.

Eduardo Vargas tricked goalkeeper Iker Casillas into diving the wrong way, then shot into an unguarded goal in the 20th minute. Charles Aranguiz scored in the 43rd when the ball landed at his feet after Casillas punched out a free kick.

"I only ask fans for forgiveness, we did everything we could," said Casillas, who lifted the World Cup trophy four years ago.

Spain's second loss, after a 5-1 rout by the Netherlands, ended any hope of advancing. Chile and the Netherlands will both make it to the knockout stage regardless of who wins the game between them Monday, which will only decide the Group B winner.

Spain won the European Championship in 2008 and 2012, in addition to the 2010 World Cup.

Perhaps the Euro 2012 final was the footballing high point of the era: A 4-0 dismantling of Italy on a similarly balmy evening in Kiev, Ukraine

Spain came to Brazil with a very similar — but older — team to the one that won those titles. They added Brazilian-born striker Diego Costa, but he failed to score a goal and was substituted in both matches.

"We have no excuses," said Spain coach Vicente del Bosque. "We were too slow, timid from the start today. It's a sad day for all of the players. Time to think about the future."

Spain's "tiki-taka" style of play — keeping the ball for long stretches with short passes, and only shooting when you had a clear opening — had not been working as well in recent years. Brazil defeated Spain 3-0 in last summer's Confederations Cup, a warm-up for the World Cup.

The stars who had made the system go are still on the team, but they've clearly lost some speed and their connections haven't been as sharp. Barcelona midfielder Xavi Hernandez, who often delivered the key pass, didn't play Wednesday.

Spain became the third straight European defending World Cup champion to flop in the group stage. France in 2002 and Italy four years ago also failed to advance, or even win a match.

Badly needing a win, del Bosque stayed loyal to captain Casillas despite the veteran goalkeeper's errors against the Dutch.

But two pillars of Spain's title runs, Hernandez and Barcelona teammate Gerard Pique were left out, despite 194 combined appearances.

Xabi Alonso probably should have joined them. His agonizing first half typified Spain's problems and his errors led to both goals.

And Alonso's selection left a younger version of his former self, Atletico Madrid's Koke, on the bench until the logical change was made at halftime.

Alonso gave away the ball to Alexis Sanchez to start a move down Chile's right wing by Arturo Vidal and Aranguiz, leading to Vargas' score. Alonso trailed behind the play and put his hands to his head.

Alonso was booked in the 40th before conceding another foul, on Sanchez, three minutes later 22 yards (meters) out.

When Casillas punched away Sanchez's curling free kick, Aranguiz trapped the ball then flicked a rising shot spinning away from the goalkeeper's reach.

Alonso had Spain's best early chance, a 15th-minute shot smothered by Chile goalkeeper Claudio Bravo.

Often wayward in its passing, Spain missed two clear chances early in the second half.

Costa was slow on Andres Iniesta's threaded pass in the 49th, and Sergio Busquets was guilty of a glaring miss, volleying wide from five meters in the 53rd.

After Bravo pushed away shots by substitute Santi Cazorla and Iniesta, Chile's win was sealed.

Asked if it marked the end of an era, Casillas said: "We'll focus on the good things this team did."

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Lineups:

Spain: Iker Casillas, Cesar Azpilicueta, Jordi Alba, Sergio Ramos, Javi Martinez, Sergio Busquets, Xabi Alonso (Koke, 46), Andres Iniesta, David Silva, Pedro Rodriguez (Santi Cazorla, 76), Diego Costa (Fernando Torres, 64).

Chile: Claudio Bravo, Mauricio Isla, Eugenio Mena, Francisco Silva, Gary Medel, Gonzalo Jara, Charles Aranguiz (Felipe Gutierrez, 64), Marcelo Diaz, Arturo Vidal (Carlos Carmona, 88), Alexis Sanchez, Eduardo Vargas (Jorge Valdivia, 85).

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