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Republicans are trying to make inroads with African-Americans in the Deep South, who have voted overwhelmingly Democrat since the civil rights era. In Alabama, the GOP is fielding more black candidates this cycle than ever before. One of them is Darius Foster, who gained national attention with this viral video challenging racial and political expectations:

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In the video, a diverse group of men and women mouth the candidate's introduction: "Did you know while growing up we went half the winter without heat, or that I think best while listening to Frank Sinatra? The last concert I attended was Lil Wayne. Yes, Lil Wayne." It ends, "Do I really fit in a box? See you on the campaign trail."

Foster says he needs no reminder that he stands out. "With me, unfortunately, everything is black Republican. Not Darius did this, but the black Republican did that. So, you know."

With the bulky frame of a former linebacker and a warm, hearty laugh, Foster fashions himself as a Lincoln or Teddy Roosevelt Republican.

"The fight-for-the-people Republican. That's what they were. I'm not sure where the Democratic Party was able to hijack that narrative from us. But they did. And they have it. I'm trying to bring it back," he says.

Foster is a 33-year-old business consultant. He's been active in the GOP since he founded a lonely chapter of College Republicans at the historically black Miles College in Birmingham. He's been tapped by the Republican National Committee as a future leader.

Foster was raised by his grandmother, who forced him to vote a straight Democratic ticket the first time she took him to the polls. He says he went home and looked up political parties in the family's Encyclopaedia Britannica.

"I read through and went through all of them, I got to the Republican Party and I was just reading through the principles. My grandmother hates taxes. She doesn't do gay marriage," he says. "She's always taking about defending yourself and strong defense. And I said, 'Mom — you may be a Republican.' And she looked at me and walked off."

She's still a Democrat but has endorsed her grandson in his race for a state House seat representing part of suburban Birmingham. It includes the predominantly black city of Bessemer, where Foster spends a lot of time going door to door introducing himself.

Democrats have long represented this Alabama House district, which is about two-thirds African-American, giving his opponent, Louise Alexander, the advantage.

Foster knows he's up against some strong notions about the Republican Party. "I think they hear Republican they think of white men. And people who don't care about them and ... who don't understand them," he says.

What he calls "TV Republicans" — conservative pundits — are a thorn in his side, Foster says. And some of his fellow Alabamians haven't helped. Like the Republican state senator who referred to blacks as aborigines, or the congressman who declared that there was a war on whites.

Foster says he doesn't have to defend Republican principles — only Republicans. Especially those who are hostile to President Obama, who got 95 percent of the black vote in Alabama two years ago.

"And it's not saying that I agree with President Obama. I'm just saying that I can show somebody and talk to them about what it means to be a Republican and not mention President Obama's name at all. This is what being a Republican is. This is what being a conservative is," he says.

Over breakfast at their neighborhood IHOP, his wife, 28-year-old Setara Foster, a lawyer, talks about growing up black in Houston where her parents were union members and loyal Democrats.

She now identifies more closely with the GOP. But she says she tends to split her ticket.

"I think that when we as a group identify with one party, for one thing, all the time, that party never has to earn our vote. Ever. And so I think that by having a diversity of political ideology within ethnic, racial, gender, age groups, we force politicians to work," she says.

On the campaign trail, you won't hear Foster talk about Republicans or Democrats. Instead, he talks about how he's invested some of his campaign funds in community initiatives — technology for schools, shoes for a basketball team, hosting a local job fair.

The strategy has won some converts like Juanita Graham. "When this gentleman came along, I was a die-hard Democrat," she says. Graham owns a firm that offers inner-city students enhanced engineering and math courses. She first met Foster while she was working for his Democratic opponent.

"There were some preconceived notions; I will not lie. Because when you say Republican African-American, the first thing pops in most African-American minds is Uncle Tom, butt-kisser. I'm honest. That is the mindset," she says.

But when Foster helped her with startup funds, and talked about tackling Bessemer's low high school graduation rate, he earned her vote.

Graham says she's still a Democrat, though. And that's the real challenge for Foster and Republican leaders who hope to position the party for the future.

"More weed, less war."

That's the latest campaign slogan in the North Carolina Senate race advertising wars. And no, neither Democratic incumbent Kay Hagan nor Republican challenger Thom Tillis is jumping on the state's marijuana legalization effort.

A quarter-million dollars in online ads is now supporting a third-party Senate challenger — Libertarian candidate and pizza delivery guy Sean Haugh. The ads are coming from an unlikely source: the American Future Fund, a secret-donor political group backed by the billionaire industrialist Koch brothers.

The spots are aimed at young voters who typically support Democrats. One features a 20-something who criticizes Hagan for opposing legalization and supporting President Obama's war efforts in Afghanistan.

"Vote Sean Haugh," she says. "He shares our progressive values. Pro-legalization, pro-environment. More weed, less war."

Libertarian North Carolina Senate candidate Sean Haugh tweets his views on his support from American Future Fund. Twitter/Sean Haugh hide caption

itoggle caption Twitter/Sean Haugh

In a tweet, Haugh says he now has "a whole new reason to despise Koch brothers & their dark money."

"It's all kind of surreal, frankly," Haugh told NPR. "Obviously they want to try to use me to siphon votes away from Kay Hagan and maybe swing the election to Thom Tillis."

Neither American Future Fund nor Koch Industries responded to queries about their strategy. But Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee spokesman Justin Barasky said: "The Koch brothers are doing everything they can to elect Speaker Tillis because no one has gone to the mat for the Koch brothers more than he has."

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Pizza delivery man Sean Haugh is in single digits in the polls. But he could have a significant impact on the close Senate race. Tamara Keith/NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Tamara Keith/NPR

Pizza delivery man Sean Haugh is in single digits in the polls. But he could have a significant impact on the close Senate race.

Tamara Keith/NPR

Haugh is drawing about 6 percent in public polls, with some analysts believing his support is coming equally from those who would otherwise vote for Hagan or Tillis.

The $225,000 is nearly 30 times more than the $7,744 Haugh said he has spent for himself.

To put that in perspective, the two main party candidates and outside groups have already spent $85 million on the North Carolina Senate race in advertising that directly tells voters to support or oppose a candidate. Nonprofit political groups that are allowed to keep their donors secret, including the Koch brothers-founded Americans for Prosperity, have spent tens of millions of dollars more in so-called "issue" ads attacking Hagan.

"You have to wonder why people are willing to spend up to $100 million to elect somebody to a job that only pays $174,000 a year," Haugh said.

2014 North Carolina Senate race

Koch Brothers

Liberal billionaire Tom Steyer has spent an astonishing $58 million this election cycle, more than any other donor in the traditional, fully disclosed part of the political system. He recently gave $15 million to a superPAC.

This latest contribution, like most of Steyer's others, went to NextGen Climate Action. It's pretty much Steyer's personal superPAC; he's supplied 70 percent of its money.

In a video last month, Steyer talked about his reasons for launching NextGen: "Together, we're sending an unmistakable message to Washington. Climate change is not just an important issue, it's the issue. And we need leaders who will take it seriously." Put more bluntly, the superPAC is using climate change as a wedge issue in battleground states.

Its biggest fight is the gubernatorial race in Florida. Republican incumbent Rick Scott is seeking a second term. NextGen calls him "a climate change denier." And — as in six states where NextGen is involved in Senate races — it links Scott to billionaire industrialists David and Charles Koch, who oversee a network of conservative political groups.

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NextGen just put this message on TV in the Jacksonville market, where the Koch-owned company Georgia Pacific has a plant: "Who owns Georgia Pacific? The Koch brothers, spending $6 million on Scott and his allies. Rick Scott, for the powerful few, and sometimes just the powerful two."

The Scott campaign tags Steyer as an ally of Scott's Democratic challenger, former Gov. Charlie Crist. Scott made millions as a health care executive, but he isn't as wealthy as Steyer or the Koch brothers. He self-financed his first run for governor and now says he's considering putting money into his re-election campaign.

Earlier this week, he told reporters, "If I put in money, it will be nothing compared to what Tom Steyer — the radical, left-wing billionaire from the West Coast — is helping Charlie with, to bring these policies to Florida."

In this new world of billionaire-against-billionaire politics, Steyer's operation and the Kochs' look similar. Both produce ads that pack a roundhouse punch. Both spend heavily on ground operations. In Florida alone, NextGen runs 21 field offices and has spent $12 million.

But in another way, Steyer and the Kochs represent polar opposites.

Chris Lehane, Steyer's political adviser, says, "We do think it's a competitive advantage to be clear about where the money's coming from and why it's being injected into the system." So NextGen Climate Action files public reports listing its donors. Steyer's spending on the Senate and gubernatorial campaigns is not a secret.

Of the dozen or so groups in the Koch network, just one discloses its donors: the superPAC Freedom Partners Action Fund. The others are 501(c) tax-exempt organizations, which operate outside the federal campaign finance laws. This kind of political activity was made possible by the Supreme Court's Citizens United decision of 2012 and other recent court rulings. The upshot: David and Charles Koch have, on the public record, contributed only $2 million apiece this cycle to the network they built.

Whether Steyer's money is making a difference — that's another matter.

"They've put up two 30-second attack ads, both of which contained significant errors of fact," says political scientist Rick Foglesong of Rollins College, in Winter Park, Fla. "And these were errors that the other side seized upon in counter-ads, which probably blunted the message that NextGen was trying to communicate."

Foglesong says the ads were "counterproductive."

Lehane says that overall, NextGen is executing its game plan. "Any objective analysis of the seven states that we're in, it's abundantly clear that Democrats, really for the first time, are playing offense on the issue of climate and environment, and Republicans are playing defense. "

Lehane says Steyer is in it not just for two more weeks but for the long haul.

Just like David and Charles Koch.

A month after a man armed with a knife leapt the White House fence and got deep into the first floor of the building, another man made a run across the North Lawn Wednesday night.

His unannounced visit ended much sooner. NPR's Tamara Keith reports via Secret Service spokesman Ed Donovan that security dogs — which weren't deployed Sept. 19 when Omar Gonzalez trespassed — brought him down while he was still on the lawn. The apprehended man is being transported to a hospital for evaluation, Donovan said in a release.

U.S.

How Can The Secret Service Recover Its Reputation?

The earlier intrusion resulted in the Oct. 1 resignation of Secret Service Director Julia Pierson, who herself had only been on the job since 2013, when she replaced the retiring director following a scandal involving agents and prostitutes in Colombia.

Update at 10:10 p.m. ET: In an updated release, Donovan identified the arrested man as Dominic Adesanya, a 23-year-old from Bel Air, Md., northeast of Baltimore. The Secret Service spokesman also said two of the agency's dogs were taken to a veterinarian "for injuries sustained during the incident."

Omar Gonzalez

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