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Matamoros, which sits across the bridge from Brownsville, Texas, used to be a laid-back border town famed for margaritas and manufacturing.

But for at least the last five years, it's grown more and more violent: first, when the Zetas broke away from the Gulf Cartel, and more recently as a new feud has broken out between two factions within the Gulf.

It's the current hotspot in the mafia wars that seem to shift every few years up and down the U.S.-Mexico border. A feud between rival drug gangs has terrorized the citizens of this historic border city — officially known as Heroica Matamoros.

In February, the U.S. State Department warned consulate personnel to stay indoors to avoid the daytime convoys of cartel gunmen, some armed with grenade launchers.

Throughout this city of a half-million, people are tense and wary. And they have reason to be. Matamoros periodically erupts in fearsome gun battles between militias of coked-up narcos in muscle trucks or between the narcos and ski-masked soldiers.

Public life and commerce have withered in this once vibrant tourist town on the lower Rio Grande.

For instance, the violence is hurting the trade in used cars, known as chocolates.

Mexican brokers used to tow broken cars across the bridge from Texas to Matamoros, mechanics would fix them, and buyers from elsewhere in Mexico would travel to the border to get a good deal on a used car.

"Today, people don't come from the interior ... to buy cars because they're afraid," says Carlos Alberto, owner of a grease-stained garage. He, like everyone else in this story, asked that we not use his last name.

"Most of the mechanics here in Matamoros depended on selling used cars. Now we're all struggling," he says. "Today the situation is very tense. We really don't know what's going to happen tomorrow."

Carlos Alberto says life has not stopped. People still go to Mass, baby showers, and quincieneras, but then they go straight home.

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Matamoros had a reputation as a laid back border town and was relatively quiet when NPR paid a visit last year. Now, a feud between rival drug gangs keeps citizens inside and visitors away. Kainaz Amaria/NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Kainaz Amaria/NPR

Matamoros had a reputation as a laid back border town and was relatively quiet when NPR paid a visit last year. Now, a feud between rival drug gangs keeps citizens inside and visitors away.

Kainaz Amaria/NPR

"I lived through part of the civil war in my native country, El Salvador. When I came here, compared to El Salvador, I thought Mexico was a piece of heaven," he says. "But all this ended, little by little. Today, Matamoros is one of the most dangerous cities in Mexico. But we never see it on television."

It's a maddening reality. There were 883 homicides in Tamaulipas state in 2013, most of them victims of the drug war.

But local TV, radio and newspapers do not report them, due to strict censorship by the Gulf Cartel. Last month, the editor of the leading daily, El Manana, was abducted and beaten because his newspaper published a front-page account of cartel clashes. He has since fled the city.

Reporting on cartel violence on social media can be dangerous, too. Four years ago, a blogger in Nuevo Laredo was beheaded, and last October, a Twitter user in Reynosa was murdered. Both were killed for saying too much.

Yet, people keep doing it in Matamoros because it's the only news they can use.

"The newspapers only publish simple things like car accidents. They don't publish what's really happening," says a clothes vendor named Hugo. "My daughters monitor Facebook, and they'll call me and say, 'Papi, don't go near 18th and 20th streets, there's a shootout there!' And so I don't go out."

Affluent residents of Matamoros have another fear: kidnapping.

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Juan is a portly, 29-year-old Mexican-American who used to own a jewelry shop in Matamoros. One day two years ago when he was closing up shop, two thugs armed with guns showed up and told him to climb into their van.

Then began a week-long nightmare. He was beaten every day. He was kept in a squalid, evil-smelling room with no toilet and blood-stained walls.

"I actually start thinking they feel pleasure when they hit me," he says, sitting in a friend's curio shop in Matamoros.

His parents paid a half-million pesos, nearly $42,000, for their son's life.

On the eighth day, his captors pulled a sack over his head, put him back in the van, and drove for two hours. They took him out of the van and hit him in the head so hard that he passed out.

When he came to, he realized, first, that he was alive, and, second, that his hands were untied. He untied his ankles and walked for hours until he heard traffic and spotted a farmhouse. The person there called an ambulance.

"I woke up in the hospital," Juan remembers. "The first person I saw was my mom and my dad. I just start crying."

Like many Mexican families who can afford it, Juan and his family fled Matamoros for Brownsville. He says Matamoros has changed, and the narco bosses are different now.

"In past years, you just see guys in white trucks. 'Oh, that's the members of the cartel,' but they don't mess with the people," Juan says. "What I see right now is that these guys are just looking for money. They are not doing their straight business that is the (drug) trafficking. They see that they can get money from the people."

The details of Juan's story could not be independently verified, but a fellow merchant confirmed the fact of his kidnapping. And it's consistent with the rash of kidnappings that has plagued this region in recent years.

Cartel members are preying on local residents for alternative income.

First, the killing and capture of major drug capos has led to the fragmentation of criminal syndicates — in Tamaulipas state as it has elsewhere in Mexico. A power struggle is under way within the Gulf Cartel between Los Ciclones in Matamoros and Los Metros in Reynosa, and no one is safe.

Second, trafficking drugs is just harder these days, so criminals are turning to kidnapping and extortion.

The U.S. side of the river is guarded by federal agents, state troopers and the National Guard, while Mexico has flooded Matamoros and Reynosa with military troops. The harder the Mexican government fights the cartels, it seems, the more misery it creates for the people.

Mexico's drug wars

U.S. Mexico drug wars

Mexico

Gary Ross Dahl, the creator of the wildly popular 1970s fad the Pet Rock, has died at age 78 in southern Oregon.

Dahl's wife, Marguerite Dahl, confirmed Tuesday that her husband of 40 years died March 23 of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease.

The smooth stones came packed in a cardboard box containing a tongue-in-cheek instruction pamphlet for "care and feeding." Dahl estimated he had sold 1.5 million of them at roughly $4 each by the time the fad fizzled. The Pet Rock required no work and no time commitment.

Born Dec. 18, 1936, in Bottineau, N.D., Dahl was raised in Spokane, Washington.

In 1975, he was a Los Gatos, Calif,, advertising executive when he came up with the Pet Rock idea.

Dahl also penned Advertising for Dummies.

In 2000, he was a grand prize winner in the Bulwer-Lytton Fiction Contest for dreadful prose. His winning entry: "The heather-encrusted Headlands, veiled in fog as thick as smoke in a crowded pub, hunched precariously over the moors, their rocky elbows slipping off land's end, their bulbous, craggy noses thrust into the thick foam of the North Sea like bearded old men falling asleep in their pints. "

He and his wife retired and moved to Jacksonville, Ore., in 2006.

The Pet Rock craze "was great fun when it happened," his wife recalled in a telephone interview. Over time, however, "people would come to him with weird ideas, expecting him to do for them what he had done for himself. And a lot of times they were really, really stupid ideas."

By 1988, Dahl told The Associated Press he had avoided interviews for years because of what he called "a bunch of wackos" appearing out of nowhere with threats and lawsuits.

Of the little rock that became a household word, he said, "Sometimes I look back and wonder if my life wouldn't have been simpler if I hadn't done it."

Dahl designed and built the Carry Nations Saloon in Los Gatos, his wife said.

In addition to his wife, he is survived by a sister, Candace Dahl of Spokane; daughters Chris Nunez and Samantha Leighton; son Eric Dahl; stepdaughter Vicki Pershing and grandchildren.

Dahl and his wife were avid sailors on San Francisco Bay, where she plans to sprinkle his ashes in May.

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A controversial law in Indiana has made its way into the 2016 presidential race. Supporters praise the Religious Freedom Restoration Act's for protecting religious convictions, but the law has drawn wide criticism from those who say it allows businesses to discriminate against gay and lesbian patrons.

Would-be candidates on the GOP side mostly defended the law. "I don't think Americans want to discriminate against anyone," Sen. Marco Rubio said on Fox News. "I think the fundamental question in some of these laws is should someone be discriminated against because of their religious views?"

Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker took a different approach, saying he doesn't intend to get involved with it or anticipate a similar bill coming to his desk. "In our state there's a balance between wanting to make sure that there's not discrimination [and] at the same time respecting religious freedoms. ... We do that in different ways than what they've done in Indiana," he said at a press conference.

And on the lonely Democratic side, Hillary Clinton weighed in, tweeting her opposition to the law.

Here's what the 2016 presidential contenders have said:

Jeb Bush, to conservative radio host Hugh Hewitt

"I think if you, if they actually got briefed on the law that they wouldn't be blasting this law. I think Gov. Pence has done the right thing. Florida has a law like this. Bill Clinton signed a law like this at the federal level.

"This is simply allowing people of faith space to be able to express their beliefs, to have, to be able to be people of conscience. I just think once the facts are established, people aren't going to see this as discriminatory at all."

Ben Carson, to Breitbart News

"It is absolutely vital that we do all we can to allow Americans to practice their religious ways, while simultaneously ensuring that no one's beliefs infringe upon those of others. We should also serve as champions of freedom of religion throughout the world."

Hillary Clinton, on Twitter

"Sad this new Indiana law can happen in America today. We shouldn't discriminate against ppl bc of who they love #LGBT"

Sad this new Indiana law can happen in America today. We shouldn't discriminate against ppl bc of who they love #LGBT http://t.co/mDhpS18oEH

— Hillary Clinton (@HillaryClinton) March 27, 2015

Ted Cruz, on Twitter

"I'm proud to stand with Gov. @mike_pence for religious liberty, and I urge Americans to do the same."

I’m proud to stand with Gov. @mike_pence for religious liberty, and I urge Americans to do the same http://t.co/cWidDW2zpg

— Ted Cruz (@tedcruz) March 31, 2015

Sen. Marco Rubio, to Fox's The Five

"I don't think Americans want to discriminate against anyone. I think the fundamental question in some of these laws is should someone be discriminated against because of their religious views? So no one here is saying it should be legal to deny someone service at a restaurant or a hotel because of their sexual orientation. I think that's a consensus view in America. The flip side of it is, though, should a photographer be punished for refusing to do a wedding that their faith teaches them is not one that is valid in the eyes of God."

Gov. Scott Walker, in a press conference

"In our state there's a balance between wanting to make sure that there's not discrimination [and] at the same time respecting religious freedoms. ... We do that in different ways than what they've done in Indiana.

"Certainly that's going to be part of the debate here and across the country."

Updated at 5:40 p.m. E.T.

Two liberal watchdog groups are challenging the strategy that four presidential hopefuls — Republicans Jeb Bush, Scott Walker and Rick Santorum, and Democrat Martin O'Malley — are using to avoid legal contribution limits and disclosure requirements.

In complaints filed at the Federal Election Commission, the Campaign Legal Center and Democracy 21 say that while the four politicians all maintain that they're not even considering running for president, they all have crossed the legal line that defines a candidacy or a "testing the waters" phase in campaign finance law.

The complaints cite examples in federal regulations of conduct that turns a politician into a candidate. Three examples seem to describe what's gone on this winter and spring, when un-candidates have:

Referred to themselves as candidates. So far, it's always seemed to be by accident or reflex.

Demonstrated an intention to run for president over a "protracted period of time."

Raised more money than is needed to explore a candidacy, or launched "activities designed to amass" a campaign warchest. All four of the un-candidates have SuperPACs for which they raise unlimited contributions — a level of soliticitation that would be forbidden if they threw their hats in the ring.

The complaints also cite regulations on the activities that define a "testing the waters" committee — the status the un-candidates are avoiding. Two stand out:

Spending money on polling to determine the candidate's "name recognition, favorability or relative support level."

Paying employees, consultants or vendors, and opening offices in states where primaries and caucuses will be held. In Iowa, where the first caucuses are scheduled for next February, Walker and O'Malley already have staff on the ground, while Bush and Santorum have Iowa consultants on retainer.

Lis Smith, spokeswoman for O'Malley's superPAC, O'PAC, said there was no merit to the complaint against the Democrat. She said, "We are confident that — whatever the case may be with the other potential candidates — that is what the FEC will find."

Walker is using the "issues-based" superPAC to talk about "his reform-minded principles in Wisconsin," said Kirsten Kukowski, spokeswoman for Walker's superPAC, Our American Revival. She didn't directly address the complaint but added, "If there are any announcements about his future he will do it in accordance with the law."

Spokesmen for the other un-candidates did not respond before deadline.

Paul Ryan, senior counsel to the Campaign Legal Center, said his group may also file complaints concerning other undeclared presidential hopefuls. So far, only Republican Sen. Ted Cruz, of Texas, has announced his candidacy.

Ryan said the strategy of not declaring fails to exempt politicians from "election laws passed by Congress to keep the White House off the auction block."

Gov. Martin O'Malley

Gov. Scott Walker

Jeb Bush

Rick Santorum

campaign finance

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