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A compelling Facebook photo shows an old man wearing spectacles and a shawl. He's standing in front of a cracked mud wall. Most of his face is filled by a huge, dusty-looking white beard. He looks tired and sad.

Only the man's family and friends would know that he is not, in fact, a weather-beaten mountain tribesman, but the vice chancellor of one of the most distinguished universities in Pakistan.

This picture of professor Ajmal Khan, posted on the Web by his supporters, was printed by a newspaper when he was freed, after spending four years as a hostage of the Taliban.

i i

Ajmal Khan, vice chancellor of Islamia College University, talks with journalists after his release from Taliban captivity in August. Arshad Arbab/EPA /Landov hide caption

itoggle caption Arshad Arbab/EPA /Landov

Ajmal Khan, vice chancellor of Islamia College University, talks with journalists after his release from Taliban captivity in August.

Arshad Arbab/EPA /Landov

Now, two months later, the vice chancellor is back at work, running the Islamia College University in the city of Peshawar. His immaculate appearance shows no hint of his ordeal; his beard is now trimmed. As he tells the story of his captivity, he is twinkly-eyed, soft-spoken and engaging.

Hostages who are fortunate enough to be released tend to return home with compelling stories. Many of these describe horrifying degradation and abuse.

Khan suffered fear, uncertainty and the loss of freedom, but he says his captors treated him with respect and did not physically harm him.

The Taliban has a long record of attacking educational establishments. Yet Khan says the militants allowed him to run an impromptu school for a while — though his pupils were almost all boys.

Khan was abducted in September 2010 as he was being driven to work. He had just left his house when a car pulled up in front. A man got out, walked up to Khan's vehicle, tapped on his driver's window and pulled out a pistol.

Very quickly, militants surrounded the car, brandishing pistols. "By then, I knew it was something terrible," he says.

The militants bundled Khan's driver into the backseat next to Khan. They climbed in, pulled burqas over the heads of their new captives, and began driving.

"As they sat with us, they injected something into our shoulders. I just felt the prick," he recalls. Drugged, he and his driver were asleep in less than 10 minutes.

When Khan awoke, he was in the mountains in the tribal belt bordering Afghanistan, an area that was, for years, a sanctuary for Islamist militants.

'They Knew Almost Everything Regarding Me'

Khan says the Taliban spent more than a month carefully planning his abduction. He thinks they chose him because of his ties with one of their enemies — the political party then running the provincial government in northwest Pakistan. Khan, father of five daughters, says the militants seemed to know all about him.

"They knew almost everything regarding me," he says. "They had a complete history — my family, daughters, the number of children I had."

"It was very difficult at first, very difficult," Khan adds. He spent much time in prayer.

In the years that followed, the vice chancellor was moved from hideout to hideout at least 20 times (His fellow hostage — the driver — was released in 2012). Khan remembers the constant sound of U.S. drones — and the worry, too, that he would be hit by a missile targeting his abductors.

In some places, he was locked in a room in a house. In more remote mountain areas, he was allowed out, under guard. On one occasion, in the hills of Waziristan, he came across two small boys herding sheep and goats.

"I asked them, 'Do you go to school?' " Khan says. "Their reply was, 'Yes, we used to. But now ... schools are there, but there are no teachers because we are in a war!' "

The boys told him they still had their school books at home. Khan invited them to come the following day to the house in which he was imprisoned. He would teach them, he said.

"They were very happy! You could see the light in their eyes," Khan says.

Word of the vice chancellor's tiny school quickly spread around the mountains. More and more boys, sons of local herdsmen, showed up, until he had more than 30 pupils. Khan says one little girl came for a couple of days, asking for religious education, but soon stopped attending.

Lessons Of Math, Science And Captivity

He taught the boys mainstream subjects from the government curriculum: math, science, Urdu, Islamic studies, even English.

Khan says the kids were aware he was a hostage. One boy, about 10, was particularly unhappy about Khan's captivity.

"And he says, 'This is not according to Islam. This is something against Islam, and you are doing something very wrong,' " he says. "A brave little boy."

The Two-Way

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The Two-Way

Afghan Taliban Release U.S. Soldier Captured In 2009

Khan says he sometimes asks his pupils whether, if he was ever free to go home to Peshawar, they'd like him to enroll them in school there. The kids' replies reveal much about the benighted world into which they were born.

"Some of them would say, 'Yes, we would come,' and others would say, 'Will the government be happy with us?' " Khan says. "They would say, 'I hope they don't put us in jails.' "

The vice chancellor's school finally closed when news began to circulate that the Pakistani military was about to move into the area. The Taliban moved Khan to an even more remote mountain hideout.

Khan says throughout his captivity, his Taliban guards were regularly switched. Yet he was able to observe and question these young, uneducated Pashtun men. He says their motivation is primarily religious. "They thought this is what God asked," he says.

For most of his captivity, Khan was held by Taliban from the Mehsud tribe. He was with them when a feud broke out, and wound up in the custody of a splinter group that decided to let him go. He doesn't think any ransom was paid for his release.

Pakistan's armed forces are now in the fifth month of an offensive focusing on the same areas of the tribal belt in which Khan was held hostage. They claim to have killed more than 1,100 militants, and to have destroyed many hideouts and arms caches. There's a growing consensus in Pakistan that the Taliban is on the run.

Khan cautions against drawing too many conclusions. He doesn't think the militants' war with the state is over, and points out they could easily regroup.

He argues the long-term answer to Islamist militancy is for Pakistan's government to provide a counter-narrative to its ideology. His tiny, temporary school suggests that this is an idea that the children of Pakistan's mountains are happy to embrace.

"The state is not doing its bit," Khan says, "Education is the only solution."

A compelling Facebook photo shows an old man wearing spectacles and a shawl. He's standing in front of a cracked mud wall. Most of his face is filled by a huge, dusty-looking white beard. He looks tired and sad.

Only the man's family and friends would know that he is not, in fact, a weather-beaten mountain tribesman, but the vice chancellor of one of the most distinguished universities in Pakistan.

This picture of professor Ajmal Khan, posted on the Web by his supporters, was printed by a newspaper when he was freed, after spending four years as a hostage of the Taliban.

i i

Ajmal Khan, vice chancellor of Islamia College University, talks with journalists after his release from Taliban captivity in August. Arshad Arbab/EPA /Landov hide caption

itoggle caption Arshad Arbab/EPA /Landov

Ajmal Khan, vice chancellor of Islamia College University, talks with journalists after his release from Taliban captivity in August.

Arshad Arbab/EPA /Landov

Now, two months later, the vice chancellor is back at work, running the Islamia College University in the city of Peshawar. His immaculate appearance shows no hint of his ordeal; his beard is now trimmed. As he tells the story of his captivity, he is twinkly-eyed, soft-spoken and engaging.

Hostages who are fortunate enough to be released tend to return home with compelling stories. Many of these describe horrifying degradation and abuse.

Khan suffered fear, uncertainty and the loss of freedom, but he says his captors treated him with respect and did not physically harm him.

The Taliban has a long record of attacking educational establishments. Yet Khan says the militants allowed him to run an impromptu school for a while — though his pupils were almost all boys.

Khan was abducted in September 2010 as he was being driven to work. He had just left his house when a car pulled up in front. A man got out, walked up to Khan's vehicle, tapped on his driver's window and pulled out a pistol.

Very quickly, militants surrounded the car, brandishing pistols. "By then, I knew it was something terrible," he says.

The militants bundled Khan's driver into the backseat next to Khan. They climbed in, pulled burqas over the heads of their new captives, and began driving.

"As they sat with us, they injected something into our shoulders. I just felt the prick," he recalls. Drugged, he and his driver were asleep in less than 10 minutes.

When Khan awoke, he was in the mountains in the tribal belt bordering Afghanistan, an area that was, for years, a sanctuary for Islamist militants.

'They Knew Almost Everything Regarding Me'

Khan says the Taliban spent more than a month carefully planning his abduction. He thinks they chose him because of his ties with one of their enemies — the political party then running the provincial government in northwest Pakistan. Khan, father of five daughters, says the militants seemed to know all about him.

"They knew almost everything regarding me," he says. "They had a complete history — my family, daughters, the number of children I had."

"It was very difficult at first, very difficult," Khan adds. He spent much time in prayer.

In the years that followed, the vice chancellor was moved from hideout to hideout at least 20 times (His fellow hostage — the driver — was released in 2012). Khan remembers the constant sound of U.S. drones — and the worry, too, that he would be hit by a missile targeting his abductors.

In some places, he was locked in a room in a house. In more remote mountain areas, he was allowed out, under guard. On one occasion, in the hills of Waziristan, he came across two small boys herding sheep and goats.

"I asked them, 'Do you go to school?' " Khan says. "Their reply was, 'Yes, we used to. But now ... schools are there, but there are no teachers because we are in a war!' "

The boys told him they still had their school books at home. Khan invited them to come the following day to the house in which he was imprisoned. He would teach them, he said.

"They were very happy! You could see the light in their eyes," Khan says.

Word of the vice chancellor's tiny school quickly spread around the mountains. More and more boys, sons of local herdsmen, showed up, until he had more than 30 pupils. Khan says one little girl came for a couple of days, asking for religious education, but soon stopped attending.

Lessons Of Math, Science And Captivity

He taught the boys mainstream subjects from the government curriculum: math, science, Urdu, Islamic studies, even English.

Khan says the kids were aware he was a hostage. One boy, about 10, was particularly unhappy about Khan's captivity.

"And he says, 'This is not according to Islam. This is something against Islam, and you are doing something very wrong,' " he says. "A brave little boy."

The Two-Way

Afghanistan's New President: 'Hold Me Accountable'

Goats and Soda

Helping Children, Despite Death Threats: A Vaccinator Explains

The Two-Way

Afghan Taliban Release U.S. Soldier Captured In 2009

Khan says he sometimes asks his pupils whether, if he was ever free to go home to Peshawar, they'd like him to enroll them in school there. The kids' replies reveal much about the benighted world into which they were born.

"Some of them would say, 'Yes, we would come,' and others would say, 'Will the government be happy with us?' " Khan says. "They would say, 'I hope they don't put us in jails.' "

The vice chancellor's school finally closed when news began to circulate that the Pakistani military was about to move into the area. The Taliban moved Khan to an even more remote mountain hideout.

Khan says throughout his captivity, his Taliban guards were regularly switched. Yet he was able to observe and question these young, uneducated Pashtun men. He says their motivation is primarily religious. "They thought this is what God asked," he says.

For most of his captivity, Khan was held by Taliban from the Mehsud tribe. He was with them when a feud broke out, and wound up in the custody of a splinter group that decided to let him go. He doesn't think any ransom was paid for his release.

Pakistan's armed forces are now in the fifth month of an offensive focusing on the same areas of the tribal belt in which Khan was held hostage. They claim to have killed more than 1,100 militants, and to have destroyed many hideouts and arms caches. There's a growing consensus in Pakistan that the Taliban is on the run.

Khan cautions against drawing too many conclusions. He doesn't think the militants' war with the state is over, and points out they could easily regroup.

He argues the long-term answer to Islamist militancy is for Pakistan's government to provide a counter-narrative to its ideology. His tiny, temporary school suggests that this is an idea that the children of Pakistan's mountains are happy to embrace.

"The state is not doing its bit," Khan says, "Education is the only solution."

The run up to midterm elections has sparked many heated legal and ideological arguments over voting procedures and requirements. To understand the debate, I went to Charlotte, North Carolina for a live community conversation around these voting laws. The U.S. Supreme Court has allowed a North Carolina law to go into effect that eliminates same-day voter registration and reduces the number of early voting days.

i i

Civil rights activist Charles Jones began the discussion when he shared a few of his personal experiences. Travis Dove/NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Travis Dove/NPR

Civil rights activist Charles Jones began the discussion when he shared a few of his personal experiences.

Travis Dove/NPR

We heard from 77-year-old Charles Jones. He was heavily involved in voter registration efforts during the civil rights movement in 1960s. Jones shared a poignant story about a meeting he helped organize in Terrell County, Georgia to help African-Americans get comfortable with voting. The sheriff - also the local Ku Klux Klan leader - interrupted the meeting, but Jones emphasized the importance of standing up for yourself and making your voice heard.

"We have the option to help define our own lives," Jones said. "Involve yourself in learning from a factual base. Don't let anybody tell you what you ought to be doing, ought to be thinking."

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Hans von Spakovsky, manager for Election Reform Initiative and senior legal fellow at the Heritage Foundation, and also a former member of the Federal Election Commission. Travis Dove/NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Travis Dove/NPR

Hans von Spakovsky, manager for Election Reform Initiative and senior legal fellow at the Heritage Foundation, and also a former member of the Federal Election Commission.

Travis Dove/NPR

Hans von Spakovsky is the manager of the Election Reform Initiative at the Heritage Foundation, and the co-author of Who's Counting?: How Fraudsters and Bureaucrats Put Your Vote at Risk. He says the biggest reasons people fail to vote are not restrictive voter laws, but apathy and dissatisfaction with the candidates.

"The Census Bureau does a survey of non-voters and the biggest reason people don't vote has nothing to do with procedural issues...how you register, it's because they are not interested in politics, and they don't think their vote will make a difference, and they don't think that the candidates will really do anything for them," he said.

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Janai Nelson, associate director-counsel at the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. Travis Dove/NPR hide caption

itoggle caption Travis Dove/NPR

Janai Nelson, associate director-counsel at the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc.

Travis Dove/NPR

Janai Nelson is the Deputy Director and Associate Counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund. She talked about how minority communities and low-income Americans are most affected by more restrictive voting laws.

"I fear that we're at critical stage in our current history where we risk turning back the hands on the clock and going back to a time where we are - for a variety of reasons - restricting the people who can vote in this country," she said.

We wanted the conversation to go beyond the McGlohon Theater in Charlotte. We held our social media chat - in collaboration with member station WFAE and La Noticia, North Carolina's oldest Spanish speaking newspaper - in English and Spanish. You can follow that conversation here:

[View the story "NPR Presents: Michel Martin, Voting Rights or Wrongs?" on Storify]

In case you haven't been following this year's election that much (don't worry, we're not judging you), we've rounded up a list of big ideas in play in the 2014 midterms.

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You're likely to see fewer of these cast this year than there were two years ago. YinYang/iStockphoto hide caption

itoggle caption YinYang/iStockphoto

You're likely to see fewer of these cast this year than there were two years ago.

YinYang/iStockphoto

Turnout: In a nutshell, it likely will be lower than in 2012. The Pew Research Center says voter turnout in the midterms has been lower than in presidential election years as far back as the 1840s.

NPR politics editor Charlie Mahtesian says that "[low] turnout in a midterm election also means the composition of the electorate looks different. In a midterm like this one, demographically the electorate tends to be older and whiter. That tends to be a recipe for a good Republican year." Pew's got a little more background on GOP engagement here. It says Republicans are more excited than Democrats about this election.

Voter turnout also could be affected by a number of voting law changes in several states that some think could hurt Democrats. NPR's Pam Fessler has a roundup.

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If past is prelude, President Obama's party may be in for a rough time. Evan Vucci/AP hide caption

itoggle caption Evan Vucci/AP

If past is prelude, President Obama's party may be in for a rough time.

Evan Vucci/AP

The 'Six-Year Itch': This is the idea that the election in the sixth year of a president's two terms tends to be very bad for the party in power.

PBS Newshour says all seven presidents elected since the Great Depression have seen their parties lose seats in both the House and Senate during their second terms. This will probably hold true for President Obama, as well. According to Gallup, Obama's job approval rating has been under 50 percent for well over a year.

Money: The Center for Responsive Politics says almost $4 billion will be spent on this election — making it the most expensive midterm ever, with Republicans spending a bit more than Democrats. Some of that stems from the Supreme Court's controversial decision in Citizens United in 2010 that made it legal for corporations and unions to spend as much as they want to support or attack candidates.

ABC News has a nice roundup of the most expensive races of this election. The North Carolina Senate battle between Democrat Kay Hagan and Republican Thom Tillis tops the list, with $113 million spent so far. Another interesting tidbit: NPR's Peter Overby reports that the number of TV ads running this election is actually down from 2010.

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Sen. Mary Landrieu, whose family has deep political roots in Louisiana, and former President Bill Clinton, whose wife may have her eye on the White House in 2016. Gerald Herbert/AP hide caption

itoggle caption Gerald Herbert/AP

Sen. Mary Landrieu, whose family has deep political roots in Louisiana, and former President Bill Clinton, whose wife may have her eye on the White House in 2016.

Gerald Herbert/AP

Dynasties: Several big-name politicians running for office this year — and some rumored to be running soon — come from families with other successful politicians. NPR's Mahtesian calls this the recurring theme of dynasty politics. "For a country that was founded in rebellion," he says, "we really have a soft spot for political royalty."

He's right. You've got Sen. Mary Landrieu, the Louisiana Democrat whose father and brother have been mayors of New Orleans. Then there's Sen. Mark Pryor, an Arkansas Democrat whose father was also a senator. And Democratic Sen. Mark Udall of Colorado comes from a long line of political royalty. His cousin Sen. Tom Udall, a fellow Democrat from New Mexico, is also running for re-election this year.

In Texas, GOP candidate George P. Bush, son of former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, and nephew of George W., is running for land commissioner. (Wyoming Republican Liz Cheney, daughter of former Vice President Dick Cheney, dropped her Senate bid earlier this year.)

And the 2016 presidential race already has outlines of dynastic politics – with prospective candidates such as Jeb Bush, Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul and, of course, Hillary Clinton.

Mahtesian says this phenomenon isn't new: Until Obama won the presidency in 2008, every single winning presidential ticket since 1980 featured either the son of a U.S. senator or the son of a U.S. president.

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Who will win congressional seats that are in play? Odds are they will be incumbents. J. Scott Applewhite/AP hide caption

itoggle caption J. Scott Applewhite/AP

Who will win congressional seats that are in play? Odds are they will be incumbents.

J. Scott Applewhite/AP

Incumbency: There are some sitting House and Senate members who should be worried about holding onto their seats, but for the most part, incumbents stay put. "Few things in life are more predictable than the chances of an incumbent member of the U.S. House of Representatives winning reelection," says the Center for Responsive Politics. The way that districts are drawn — at its most extreme, that's called gerrymandering — to put lots of like-minded people in the same districts plays a part. Another factor is the tremendous advantages of incumbency: Sitting lawmakers are more established and better able to raise money.

When incumbents do get upset, they're likely to be the most junior members of the House and Senate. When more seasoned incumbents fall, it's often because they are politically wounded or haven't put enough time toward the hard grind of retail politics back home.

Mahtesian says that sometimes "they just can't do the rubber chicken circuit anymore." Just look at GOP Sen. Pat Roberts of Kansas, who's in trouble in his conservative state.

Knowing all of these things, what should you expect on Tuesday?

Well, Mahtesian says that when you look at all of the closest House races nationwide, there are more Democrats in trouble than Republicans. He says Republicans seem poised to win between 4 and 14 seats, strengthening their grip on that chamber.

As for the Senate, several political forecasters and handicappers think Republicans will wrest control.

Republicans need a net gain of six seats to win the majority. Of the 36 Senate seats on the ballot this year, Democrats are defending 21 of them — seven in states that Mitt Romney won — which is good news for the GOP. And of the Republican senators up for re-election, only one is running in a state that Obama won, which is also good for Republicans.

If Republicans do win the majority, the South will help pave the path: Louisiana, Arkansas and North Carolina have key races featuring vulnerable Democratic senators. Republicans, however, will need to hold onto their seats in Georgia and Kentucky. Other important Senate races to watch: Colorado and Iowa.

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